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HISTORY 



OF THB 



WARIN INDIA 



IKCLUDINO 



C|e Complete Jtstorg of 8rHis| ^\i)m, 

FROM THE 

EARLIEST TIMES TO THE PRESENT DAY. 

ALSO, 

A SKETCH OF GEN. HAVELOCK. 

Bt henry FREDERICK MALCOLM. 



PHILADFXPHIA : 

JOHN E. POTTER AND COMPANY, 

617 Sansom Street. 






COPYRIGHT 

John E. Potter &. Company 




'r 



^^ WM7 



/ 



PREFACE. 



The Britisli Empire in India lias recently been brouglit 
to the eve of dissolution by an extensive mutiny of its 
native troops. This mutiny has been converted into a 
rebellion; large bodies of natives not in the British service 
Laving joined the mutineers and engaged in active hostil- 
ities. Since the month of June, 1857, a civil war has 
raged in Hindostan ; and scenes of bloodshed and horror 
have been enacted in that populous, extensive and beautiful 
country, which have scarcely a parallel in history. 

These events have attracted attention to India and ex 
cited the public curiosity in relation to its condition and 
history. To gratify this curiosity the present volume is 
published. It comprises a sketch of the Natural History 
of the country, and a complete Civil and Military His- 
tory of the various Eaces and Dynasties which have 
ruled it from the most ancient times to the present day. 

On account of the paramount interest of the Great Ee 
beUion initiated in 1867, and now apparently quelled 

(3) 



4 PREFACE. 

nearly one third of the volume is devoted to that subject, 
in relation to which many interesting and thrilling details 
are given. 

It is needless to remark that this is a subject of con- 
siderable importance to Americans, on account of the 
many intimate relations existing between Great Britain 
and this country. 

At the close of the volume will be found a Memoir 
of General Sir Henry Havelock, the hero of the Indian 
war, the Christian soldier, who was called, when he had 
just attained the very climax of his earthly fame, to '* a 
more exceeding and eternal weight of glory" in a better 
world. 



CONTENTS. 



-*t- 



Introductort Sketch of the Natural History of British 
India f 



THE HIlSrDOO 3PE3aiOID. 

CHAPTER I. 
The Era of Fable and the Early Hindoo Dynasties 45 

CHAPTER II. 
The Arab and Tartar Invasions, and the Final Settlement of 
the Mohammedans in India, a. d. 664-1022 68 

TUB iwioi3:A.3S/iiva:EiD-A.asr ferioid. 

CHAPTER I. 

Sultan Mahmoud and his Successors of the Ghaznivide and 
Ghorian Dynasties, a. d. 1022-1206 70 

CHAPTER II. 

From the Establishment of the Kingdom of Delhi to its Con- 
quest by the Tartars. A. D. 1206-1526 80 

CHAPTER III. 

From the Reign of Baber to the Deposing of Shah Jehan. 
A. D, 1526-1658 90 

CHAPTER lY. 

From the Proclamation of Aurungzebe to the Fall of the 

Tartar Dynasty, a. d. 1659-1765 112 

1* (5) 



CONTENTS 



CHAPTER I. 
Early Communication between the Eastern and Western World, 
with subsequent European Progress, to the Establishment 
of British Supremacy in India 136 

CHAPTER II. 

The Permanent Settlement of the British in India, to the 
Death of Hyder Ali 176 

CHAPTER III. 

Prom the Accession of Tippoo Saib as Sultan of Mysore to 
his Overthrow and Death at the Siege of Seringapatam. 
A. D. 1782-1799 i 200 

CHAPTER lY. 

From the Dismemberment of the Mysorean Kingdom, to the 
Termination of the First Mahratta Campaign, a. d. 1799- 
1806 221 

CHAPTER V. 

From the Renewal of Hostilities to the Termination of the 
Second Mahratta War. a. d. 1806-1822 236 

CHAPTER YI. 

The First Burmese War, and the Cession of Assam and the 
Tenasserim Provinces to the British Government, a. d. 
1822-1827 267 

CHAPTER YII. 

From the Administration of Lord William Bentinck to the 
Annexation of Scinde and the Pacification of Gwalior. 
A. D. 1828-1844 289 

CHAPTER YIII. 

The Wars in the Punjab, and the Annexation of the Country 
of the Five Rivers to the British Dominions, a. d. 1844- 
1849 311 



CONTENTS. 7 

CHAPTER IX. ' 

Second Burmese War and Annexation .of Pegu and Oud«, 
A. D. 1851-1856 327 

CHAPTER X. 
Causes of the Great Rebellion in India, a. d. 1856-1857. ...« 333 

CHAPTER XI. 

Mutinous Conduct of the 19th Regiment of Native Infantry. 
1857 345 

CHAPTER XII. 

The 19th N. I. Regiment Disbanded — Spread of Disaffection— 
A new Cause of Offense at Lucknow — Decisive Conduct of 
Sir Henry Lawrence • 348 

CHAPTER XIII. 

Mutiny at Meerut — Revolt of the Troops — Massacre of the 
European Officers and Inhabitants — Flight of the Mutineers 
to Delhi 354 

CHAPTER XIV. 
Fall of Delhi 364 

CHAPTER XV. 

Appearance of Dissatisfaction atUmballah — ^Mutinous Demon- 
strations at Ferozepore and Lahore. 370 

CHAPTER XVL 

Disturbances in Bombay — The Parsees, or Fire-Worshipers at 
Baroach — The Rajahs of Gwalior, Putteeala, Jhind, and 
Bhurtpore — The North- Western Provinces 378 

CHAPTER XVII 

The Outbreak at Nusseerabad — Death of Colonel Penny — In- 
fantry Disarmed at Agra — Anticipated Disturbances at 
Bareilly — Revolt of the Native Regiments, and Flight of the 
Officers 384 

CHAPTER XVIIL 

Outbreak at Benares Suppressed by Colonel Neill — Mutiny at 
Juanpore and Sultanpore 399 



^ CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER XIX. 

The JhaLsie Mutiny — Seizure of the Star Fort by the 12th 
Native Infantry — Appeal to the Loyalty of the Regiment — ■ 
Protestations of Fidelity and Attachment — Murder of Capt. 
Dunlop — The Europeans Retire to the Town Fort — Death 
of Captain Gordon — The Fort Surrounded by Mutineers — 
Unsuccessful Attempts to Escape — Offers of Protection on 
Surrender — The Europeans Leave the Fort and are Massacred. 410 

CHAPTER XX. 

Siege of Lucknow — Dreadful Disaster at Cawnpore — Treachery 
of Nana Sahib — State of Affairs at Delhi — At Calcutta — 
Proceedings in England — Successes of General Havelock — • 
He Relieves Cawnpore — Mutiny at Dinapore — Conduct of 
"the Native Chiefs — Disaffection in the Bombay Presidency — 
Misconduct of the Governor-General — Havelock Relieves 
Lucknow — Battle of Mungarwar — Assault and Capture of 
Delhi 418 

CHAPTER XXL 

The Missionaries — Relief of Lucknow — Mutiny at Chittagong 
— Operations in Oude 435 

CHAPTER XXIL 
Capture of Calpee and Gwalior — State of the Country 457 

CHAPTER XXIIL 
Change in the Government of India — Closing Scenes of the 
Rebellion 484 

Hsirom of Sib IIenbt Hatelock, ,.. 493 




- CAVES OF ELLORA. 



BRITISH ODIA. 



INTRODUCTORY SKETCH OP THE NATURAL HISTORY OP 

BRITISH INDIA 

The various countries which now form the three Presidencies 
of India, together with those native states which are indepen- 
dent of, though in close alliance with, the East India Company, 
have been at various times known under several denominations. 
They have been comprehensively and indiscriminately spoken 
of as Hindostan, the East Indies, and the Indian Peninsula; 
they are now more correctly termed British India, which term, 
«»f course, excludes such independent states as have been al- 
luded to. 

Extending from Cape Comorin on the south to the Hima- 
layan range on the north, and from the delta of the Berram^ 
pootra on the east to the Indus on the west, British India, ex- 
clusively of the recently annexed province of Pegu, may be 
said to include within its limits 1,200,000 square miles of ter- 
ritory. Of these, the Presidency of Bengal contains 306,012 
Bquare miles j Madras, 141,920; Bombay, 64,908 ; and Scinde 

(9) 



10 BRITISH INDIA. 

and the Punjab about 160,000 square miles ; the remainder being 

the extent of the allied states. 

The coast-line of British India amounts to about 3200 miles. 
Of these 1800 miles are washed by the Indian Ocean, and 1400 
miles by the Bay of Bengal. 

The extreme length of India from north to south may be 
taken as 1800 miles ; its greatest width, along the parallel of 
25° N. latitude, is about 1500 miles. 

Intersected by vast ranges of lofty mountains, the Indian 
peninsula presents a remarkably varied surface of table-land^ 
delta, and valley ; and extending as it does from 8° 4' N. lat. 
to 34*^ N. lat., with tracts of country sometimes 2500 feet 
above the sea-level, it naturally comprises many varieties of 
climate and a great range of temperature. 

Crossing the peninsula from east to west, between the twen- 
ty-third and twenty-fifth parallels of north latitude, we find the 
Vindya Mountains, a dividing range of a marked character, 
and the base of those various districts into which Hindostaa 
has been divided. 

These divisions are four in number : the Deccan, south of 
the Yindya Mountains ; and to the north of the range, the 
Delta of the Ganges, Central India, and the Delta of the Indus. 
Some writers add a fifth division, by styling that part of the 
Deccan which is south of the river Kishna, Southern India. 

The distinguishing feature of the Deccan consists of the lofty 
ranges of mountains which skirt it on every side ; they are 
named the northern, southern, eastern, and western Ghauts.* 
The latter skirt the shores of the Indian Ocean and the Bay 
of Bengal at distances varying from one hundred to ten miles : 
those on the eastern coast being the most remote. Their alti- 
tude varies from 8000 feet downward. On the southern ex- 
tremity ol the western ghauts are the Neilgherry Mountains 
stretching eastward, and famed throughout Southern India for 
their fine climate and fertile tracts of table-land. On this 

* Ghaut, or ghS-t, is applied by the natives to the many openings or passes 
through these ranges ; being derived from the Sanscrit gati, a way or path« but 
ifl used by Europeans to designate the mountains themselves. 



BRITISH INDIA. II 

range have been established the sanitary stations of Octaca- 
raiind and Dimhutty, where Europeans enjoy the bracing tem- 
perature of alpine lands within a few days' journey of Madras. 

At the northern extremity of the western range, immediately 
opposite Bombay, are the Mahabalipoora Mountains, rising to 
a height of 5036 feet, on which the sanitorium of Mahabelesh- 
wur has been established for the benefit of that Presidency 
The Aligherry Mountains are an offshoot of the southern 
ghauts. 

In that portion of the Deccan known as Southern India are 
Beveral independent states. The King of Travancore and the 
Rajah of Cochin are both allies of the Honorable East India 
Company, and offer every facility for the prosecution of com- 
mercial enterprise in their territories. 

Deccan proper comprises all that portion of the peninsula 
which lies between the valley of the Nerbndda on the north, 
and the deep pass known as the Gap of Coimbatore, running 
from east to west at about 11^ N. lat. The greater part by 
far of this tract consists of elevated table-land of considerable 
fertility, skirted by long ranges of mountains or ghauts, which 
stretch coastward until they terminate in plains. This table- 
land is called by the natives Bala-ghaut, or the country above 
the ghauts, and varies in breadth from 150 to 400 miles. Its 
altitude ranges from 900 to 3000 feet. 

A considerable portion of the Deccan proper is still ruled 
by native princes in alliance with the Company. The kingdom 
of Mysore on the south comprises an extent of 30,000 square 
miles. It is ruled by a Hindoo prince, and its capital* is 
Soringapatam. 

The territory of the Rajah of Hydrabad comprehends about 
110,000 square miles, with a population of 10,000,000. It U 
situated in the north of the Bala-ghauts, and is chiefly noted 
for its diamond-mines at Golconda. 

The Rajah of Berar rules over 3,000,000 subjects, with an 
extent of territory of about 65,000 square miles, situated to thtj 
eastward of Golconda. 

The state of Satara comprises about 9000 square miles, with 



12 BRITISn INDIA. 

a population cf 500,000 It is ruled by a Hindoo prince, and 
is situated on the western ghauts. To the south of this prin- 
cipality are the territories of the Rajah of Colapore ; a small 
Btate, 3000 square miles in extent, under the sway of a Hindoo 
prince. 

The British territories in the Deccan do not exceed 40,000 
equare miles, part of which are attached to the Presidency of 
Bombay, and a portion to that of Madras. 

A considerable part of this table-land is highly fertile, and 
rich in natural productions ; the ghauts, however, are for the 
most part barren ; and it is only w^here their spurs form broken 
valleys that we find extensive forests of lofty timber stretching 
aown to the plains below. 

The belt of low country which extends round the Indian 
peninsula, between the ghauts and the sea-coast, is almost en- 
tirely in the possession of the British. It varies not less in its 
width than in its fertility and its population. 

On the western side we find to the north the "Concon'' ex- 
tending from the Nerbudda to 15^ N. lat. Thence southward 
to 12° 3" is the state of Canara, and from that point to Cape 
Comorin is the Malabar territory, although the whole extent 
of this western sea-board is often erroneously termed the Malabar 
coast. This long range of country is irregular in its surface ; 
the first few miles from the sea being very flat and sandy, with 
no vegetation but topes of palms. Further inland the ground 
is broken into hillocks more or less covered with vegetation ; 
and gradually elevating themselves, they become at last merged 
in the spurs of the ghauts, and crowned with dense jungle and 
heavy forests of teak and satin-wood. 

Along this line of coast, in addition to Bombay, are the 
towns of Mangalore, Canamore, Tellichery, Calicut, Cochin, 
Aleppe, and Trevandrum, all of them trading ports, and during 
the north-east monsoon, from November to April, enjoying 
a considerable traffic with Bombay, Ceylon, the Persian Gulf, 
and lately with Europe. Goa is a Portuguese settlement ia 
15° 30' N. lat, but without any trade worthy of mention. 

At the southern extremity of the peninsula is Cape Comoriu ; 



BRITISH INDIi. 13 

and to the eastward of this, in the Gulf ol Manaarlies, the small 
island of Remisseram, famed for its stupendous Hindoo temple, 
to which pilgrims annually flock in great numbers. 

On the eastern coast-line we find Madras, the capital of the 
Presidency of that name, Negapatam, Vizagapatara, and Pondi- 
cherry and Tranquebar, the former a French, the latter a 
Danish settlement. This coast is much exposed to the fury of 
the south-west monsoon, during which period none of the native 
craft are able to venture out. The only harbor along the coast 
is that of Coringa, in which vessels of some size may find a 
safe refuge. 

The Deccan is separated from Central India by the valleys 
of the Nerbudda and Tapty, according to some writers : others, 
with more propriety, make the Vindya Mountains the natural 
boundaries of these two territories. This rang^^ extends from 
14° to 84*^ E. long., in a direction nearly due rtast, following 
the valley of the Nerbudda at a distance of a few miles. At 
no part do these mountains reach a greater el vation than 
2200 feet above the sea-level, and frequently not wiore that 
TOO feet. They are crossed iu several places by roavi; of differ- 
ent character. 

Central India assumes pretty nearly the sha])e of a "*?iangle, 
having its base formed by the Vindya Mountains, and »^'\j apex 
to the southward of Delhi. It consists for the most i.'\rt of 
elevated table-land, freely interspersed with mountain-rv^ges 
and extensive plains, some of which latter are extremely ferOJft. 
Along the range which on the eastward divides this tract fi\*>« 
the delta of the Ganges, are the coal-deposits, which at t): * 
present time furnish large supplies to Calcutta. 

Nearly the whole of Central India is governed by nati\« 
princes, amongst whom are the Guicowar and Rajpoot chiefs. 
A considerable portion of the state of Malwa is under the lule 
of Maharajah Scindia; while other tracts are governed by 
numerous petty rajahs, amongst whom may be named the 
Mahratta princes of Holkar and Nagpore. 

On the western side of this portion of India the British 
possess a considerable tract of the plain of Gujerat, whicli ia 

a 



14 BRITISH INDIA. 

annexed to the Bombay Presidency. On the eastern side w« 
find, adjoining, tlie territories of the Rajpoot princes ; and lying 
between the rivers Sone and Ganges, a region which has been 
annexed to the residency of Allahabad. 

The next natural division is that of the Delta of the Ganges, 
which ranges from the mouths of that river to the base of the 
Himalayas, a distance in a straight line of about 300 miles, and 
varying in breadth from 150 to 180 miles. On the eastern 
side it is flanked by the Chittagong district and the valleys of 
Assam and Silhet, with the Tiperah hills ; on its western side 
it stretches from Balasore in the Bay of Bengal, through Mid- 
napore and Nagore, to Rajmahal, and thence by the river 
Coosie to the Himalayas. 

A very considerable portion of this division is incapable of 
cultivation ; on the southern side, between the mouths of the 
Ganges and the Berrampootra, is a low tract called the Sunder- 
abunds, extending about seventy miles inland and fifty miles in 
width, covered with swamps and thick jungle, the resort of 
every vanety of reptile and wild beast. The efl"ect of the rising 
of the tides from the sea is such as to preclude any but the 
most scanty use of the soil, though recent attempts have been 
made with partial success to recover some portion of this 
Fterile country. To the north of this tract, as far as 25*^ N. 
lat., and chiefly between the branches of the Ganges and the 
Berrampootra, the land is subject to an annual inundation 
during the early part of the south-west monsoon, when the 
country is covered by water to a great depth, some of the rivers 
rising as much as thirty feet above their ordinary level. This, 
although causing much inconvenience and loss to the inhabit- 
ants, proves a great fertilizer of the soil ; and except in the 
immediate vicinity of the flooded rivers, the entire surface of 
these river valleys yields most abundant crops of grain on the 
retirement of the waters, which takes place during October. 

Beyond the influence of these periodical floods, we find still a 
large range of rich fertile land, partly watered by many streams, 
and partly irrigated by artificial means : to the north of this, 
again, as far as the swamps at the bas« of the Himalayan range, 



BaXTISR INDIA. Ift 

are found numerous tracts of waste land covered with low jungle, 
reeds, and rank grass. 

Stretching along the lower chain of the Himalayas, is the 
Tarai, or the swamp, a rather extensive portion of peaty soil, 
throngli which innumerable springs burst, fed by the mountain 
land above. The vast masses of vegetable matter swept down 
from the higher lands, and decaying on these swamps through- 
out the year, render them unfit for human habitation ; and the 
Blattered population suffer severely from fever in their attempts 
to earn a scanty living by felling timber for the supply of the 
low country. 

The Plain of the Ganges comprehends within it the districts 
of Bengal, Behar, Tirhoot, Oude, Rohilcund, and Allahabad, 
It is the most populous and fertile portion of British India, 
containing about sixty millions of inhabitants, and is entirely 
under the dominion of the East India Company. 

Calcutta is by far the largest and most wealthy city of this or 
any other part of India, containing at the present date about 
600,000 inhabitants. The other principal commercial and 
political cities are Dacca, Benares, Allahabad, Mirzapore, 
Goruckpore, Cawnpore, Furruckabad, Agra, Delhi, Meerut, 
and many others, possessing populations varying from thirty to 
a hundred and twenty thousand souls. 

Between the northern extremities of the Gangetic Plain and 
the Plain of the Indus is a flat, sterile country termed the Doab, 
ruled over by a few Seikh chieftains in alliance with the 
British. 

The Plain of the Indus is situated on the eastern flank of 
that river, and commences from the neighborhood of Attock, 
extending southward and westward as far as the debouchure 
of the Indus into the sea. It comprehends the Punjab, Scinde, 
and other smaller states : a large portion of it south of the 
Punjab consists of desert, arid plains ; and even in the more 
favorable positions, where the land is watered by the over- 
flowing of the Indus and its branches, the soil can scarcely be 
termed fertile, yielding but indifi'erent crops of grass and grain 

The Punjab, or the country of the fiv« rivers, forming the 



16 BRITISH INDIA. 

northern portion of the Plain of the Indus, extends from th<j 
base of the Himalaj^an range to the conflneiiee of tlie Ohenab 
with the Indus. It is the most populous part of this division 
of India., and contains several very extensive and densely 
peopled cities : its entire population is believed to be tlirea 
millions. Its ancient capital, Umrister, contains 100,000 in- 
habitants, and has long possessed a valuable trade with many 
parts of India. It is situated between the rivers Beas and 
Kavee. Lahore, the modern capital, possesses a population 
of 80,000. Mooltan, on the Chenab, contains 60,000 inhabit- 
ants, and possesses some valuable manufactures in silk and 
cotton. 

This country contains some very fertile tracts, especially in 
its more northern part, where the supply of water is most 
abundant. Toward the south the land is generally less favored, 
although there are still some rich valleys between the Kavee 
and the Beas, as also in the immediate vicinity of all the five 
rivers. These streams are, according to modern nomenclature, 
the Sutlej, the Beas, the Ravee, the Chenab, and the Jhelum, 
taking them from east to west ; the names by which they were 
known to the early writers of the west were the Zaradus, the 
Hyphasis, the Hydrastes, the Acesines, and the Hydaspes. 
These rivers flow from the Himalayas in a south-westerly 
direction for about six hundred miles, when, after merging into 
the Chenab, their waters finally unite with those of the Indus 
at the northern point of the Desert of Scinde. 

The Seikhs form the principal inhabitants of this country, 
and their chieftains proved themselves formidable enemies to 
the British during one of the most severely contested struggles 
that have occurred with any eastern power. The Punjab is 
now a province of the British empire in India, under a resident 
whose seat is at Lahore. 

To the southward of the Punjab is Scinde, until recently a 
powerful state governed by Ameers, whose descent was from 
chiefs of Beloochistan, but now annexed to the Bombay Presi- 
dency. It is bounded on the north by Aflfghanistan, and 
Mooltan, on the east by the state of Rajpootna, on the west by 



BRTTISH INDTA. It 

Beloochistan, and on the sontli by Cntch and the sea. By far 
tlie greater portion of Scinde consists of sandy desert known as 
the Thnrr, and which extends over nearly the whole of the 
country east of the Indus. The desert is covered with long 
lidgfis of low undulating sand-hills, occasionally topped with a 
little jungle or rank grass. There are, however, scattered 
throughout this Thurr, many oases of considerable fertih'ty, 
producing crops of grain and vegetables. Within twenty and 
thirty miles of the Indus the fertilizing effects. of its periodical 
floodings are felt; and there, as well as far on the western ex- 
tremity of this province, the soil proves of a more generous 
nature. The total population of the country doe? not exceed 
a million souls. Its chief towns are Shikarpore, Sikkur, 
Ilydrabad, Tatta, and Kurrachee. None of these cities possess 
more than 20,000 inhabitants : the last mentioned is situated 
on the west mouth of the Indus, has a good harbor, and carries 
on a considerable trade, which has much increased since being 
in British possession. 

The Thurr or Desert is still ruled by petty chiefs, Rajpoot 
princes in alliance with the East India Company : these are tho 
Rajahs of Jessulmere, Marwar, Bikanir, &c. In this part of 
Scinde there are several cities, having populations varying from 
20,000 to 60,000 souls, and some of them carrying on a con- 
siderable traffic with the adjoining States. 

We have still to notice a portion of the continental territo- 
ries of the East India Company comprised within the limits of 
the Bengal Presidency. Of these the first is the district of 
Arracan, stretching from the north-eastern extremity of th^ 
Bay of Bengal to the limits of the late Burmese province of 
Teitru. The features of the country, the habits of the people, 
and the natural productions, so nearly assimilate to those of 
the other fractions of the Burmese territories, that one general 
description may well serve for the entire tract. 

The provinces of Tenasserim and Pegu, formerly sections of 
the Burmese empire, were annexed to the British-Indian empire, 
the former in 1826, tho latter in 1853, and are now governed 
2* 



18 BRITISH INDIA. 

by a commissioner and the usnal staff of European and native 
officials. 

The Tenasserim provinces, as ceded to the East India Com- 
pany, comprise an extent of country five hundred miles in 
lergth, and from forty to eighty in breadth, and reaching from 
the junction of the Salween and Thoongeen rivers on the north 
to the Pak Chan river on the south ; on the west the sea forms 
the boundary ; and on the east a chain of lofty mountains 
divides this tract of country from the kingdom of Siam. The 
seat of government here is Moulmein, situated at the confluence 
of these rivers, and no less admirably adapted for the purposes 
of trade than as a healthy position for troops. 

The country is divided into three provinces, those of Mergni, 
Tavoy, and Amherst, in which latter the capital is situated. 
The population, although still small compared with the extent 
of country, has greatly increased by emigration from the Burman 
and Peguan territories since the annexation of these provinces, and 
amounts at the present moment to about 160,000 souls. These 
numbers are composed indifferently of Burmese, Arracanese, 
Peguers, Talamis, Karens, and Toungthoos, with an admixture 
of Siamese blood amongst them ; whilst in the towns of Moul- 
mein and Tavoy are to be found a sprinkling of Chinese, Jews, 
Moguls, Moors, Bengalese, &c., more or less occupied in trade. 

Amongst the many grades of foreigners, both from Europe 
and other parts of Asia, who have at various periods helped to 
people Hindostan, we find the British race pre-eminent in in- 
telligence and power, though not so in numbers. The total of 
the residents in India from the British Isles, including the 
military, is computed at 75,000 souls. 

The Portuguese descendants are far more numerous, amount- 
ing to about 1,000,000. They are chiefly to be found along 
the western coasts and in the chief cities of India. 

On the Malabar and Canara coasts we find Arabs in con- 
siderable numbers, together with Syrian Christians, or Parawas, 
and Jews, although not to any great extent. 

Parsees, or Ghebirs, are to be met with chiefly at Bombay 
ftnd other trading ports on that coast. 



BRITISH INDIA. 



19 




ARABS. 



Throughout various parts of India the descendants of Affghan 
races are clearly to be traced to the extent of several millions ; 
whilst in Scinde we find a strong blending of the blood of the 
Beloochees, the conquerors of that country, with the native 
races, as well as undoubtedly pure descendants of the Ameer 
tribes. 

Extending through 23 degrees of latitude, we may expect to 
Slid in British India, a great variety of climate, influenced, more 
over, by the great irregularities of the surface of the country. Wt 
may thus meet a temperature of 28° on the Himalayan nai^v 
or the Neilgherries ; or if we turn to the Cutch country, /nu! 
the thermometer, during the dry months, ranging as high as 10(/ 

The Indian seasons are, strictly speaking, two in nmn! ei 
and are called the morsoons, viz., the south-west and thu 
north-east; and these are felt more or less throughout the 
entire length and breadth of Hindostan. But inasmuch as the 



10 



BRITISH INDIA. 



north-easl monsoon is again 
divided into the temperate 
and hot months, we may in 
truth say that there are 
three distinct seasons. 

The south-west monsoon 
usually commences about 
the middle of May along 
the west coast, but later to 
the north and east. It is 
ushered in by violent gales 
of wind, thunder and light- 
ning, and heavy falls of 
rain, which continue for six 
or eight weeks, at the end 
of which time the weather 
moderates and becomes 
close and oppressive, with 
heavy clouds and a dull 
calm atmosphere. The 
thermometer will nowrange 
at about 88*^ or 90^, until further heavy falls of rain take place, 
ushering in the north-east monsoon some time in October. The 
weather is now more pleasant, the long-continued rains having 
thoroughly cooled the land, and the thermometer will stand at 
about 80^. The cool portion of this monsoon extends from 
November to Janfsary ; though to the north of Calcutta it lasts 
into February, and even March. The mornings and evenings 
are now remarkably pleasant and cool, not exceeding a tem- 
perature of 75° and woolen clothing may at this season be 
worr. with much comfort by Europeans. 

During March, April, and the early part of May, the hot 
season prevails throughout India, though of course considerably 
modified by position and local circumstances. At this period 
the wind, especially upon the Coromandel or east coast, blows 
along shore, and being extremely dry and hot, gives rise to 
much sickness, more particularly amongst European residents. 




BELOOCHEK. 



BRITISH INDIA. 



21 




HURRICANE AT THE CHANGE OF THE MONSOONS. 



The winds, however, not less than the temperature, arc 
greatly modified by localities ; and thus we find that the south- 
west monsoon in some places really comes from the south-east; 
in like manner we meet with north-westerly breezes during the 
prevalence of the north-east monsoon. To the south of Bengal 
the winds are more strictly north and south ; whilst in Assam 
and Behar they will be found nearly east and west. 

The long and lofty ranges of mountains, the elevated table- 
lands, the gigantic rivers, the deep valleys of Hindostan, all 
exert a most sensible influence upon the direction and force of 
the prevailing winds. 

Thus the south-west monsoon, which along the coasts of 
Malabar and Canara commences early in May, does not reach 
Delhi before the end of June, and the Punjab until early in 
July ; where, as well as in the elevated lands of Cashmere, it 
makes its appearance with light fleecy clouds and gentle 
Bhowers. 

The seasons of Bengal are alternately hot, cold and rainy. 
The pleasantest and coolest months are the latter part of Feb- 
ruary, March, and April ; though April may sometimes be in- 



22 BRITISH INDIA. 

eluded with May and June as intensely hot, rendered still more 
oppressive by a scorching westerly wind, accompanied by small 
and almost invisible grains of sand. People are glad to remain 
under the shelter of their houses ; the vegetable world seems at 
a stand-still, and nothing remains but barren tracts of soil, 
though the air of the distant mountains is fresh and delightful. 

The rainy season commences in the upper provinces in April 
and May ; in the plains not until June ; it continues incessantly 
till the end of July. The rain tends greatly to cool the sultry 
atmosphere, although during the months of August and Sep- 
tember the hgat is still intense. The monsoon changes at this 
period. In October the cold begins to be felt, and increases 
throughout the three following months ; it is frequently extreme 
in Bengal and Behar, where the atmosphere is moist and un- 
healthy, whilst on the mountains ice and snow are often to bo 
met with. 

Perhaps there is no part of Hindostan in which the oppres- 
siveness of the climate, at certain periods, is so sensibly felt as 
at Calcutta and in its vicinity. Here, during the rainy season, 
when the monsoon comes across the Sunderabunds, and wafts 
with it a dense heated atmosphere deeply impregnated with 
vegeto-aniraal effluvia, the human frame suffers far more than 
with a much higher temperature and a pure dry air. The body 
feels hot and damp, as though immersed in a vapor-bath ; a 
languor and listlessness creep over the frame ; and so far from 
night bringing "with it any relief, it appears but to aggravate 
the feeling of oppressiveness, and the restless sleeper rises in 
the morning wearied and unrefreshed, happy to resort to a 
chattie-bath of tepid water to relieve his overloaded skin of 
-some portion of the heavy coating of perspiration which clogs 
its pores. 

The mean temperature of Calcutta is, in January 66^, April 
86°, July 81° October 19°, and November 74°. The annual 
average fall of rain is here about 60 inches ; the greatest fall 
being in the months of May and June, when about 30 inche3 
will be the quantity. No less than 16 inches have been knowu 
to fall in the space of twenty-four hours. 



BRITISH INDIA. 23 

« 

At Madras, from its contig:u'ty to the ocean, the monsoon 
is not felt nearly so oppressively ; neither are the cool months 
so pleasant as in Bengal. The minimum temperature is here 
75°, and the maximum 91°, the mean being 84°. 

Bombay approaches more nearly to the climate of the elder 
Presidency, both the heat and the rain being in excess at the 
change of the monsoon. In Cutch the temperature is as high 
a« 110° whilst in the elevated mountain tracts, within two 
days' journey of Bombay, the thermometer will stand at the 
freezing point. 

At the sanitarium on the Neilgherries, or the Blue Ghauts, 
may be found a climate very nearly approaching that of England, 
especially during the prevalence of the north-east monsoon. 
Without being so cold as Great Britain, it is far more equable ; 
the maximum temperature being only 77°, whilst that of that 
country is 90°; the minimum point is 38° against 11° in En- 
gland. The number of days on which heavy rain falls on these 
hills is 19 against 18 in that country ; whilst the fair days arc 
237 against 160. The fall of rain on the Neilgherries is 44 
inches ; in England it is 23. 

At Sahararaapore, in lat. 30° N., at an elevation of about 
1000 feet, where the government have a botanic garden, the mean 
temperature during the cold months of December and January 
is 55° and 52°. In May and June, when the hot dry winds 
prevail, the mean will be 85° and 90° ; whilst in September 
and October the mean will not be more than 79° and 72°. 

At this station, although the cool season is more agreeable 
and lasting, and the hot weather more endurable than in the 
southern districts of India, the climate and vegetation are 
nevertheless essentially tropical. 

Fifty miles further northward, but at an elevation of 6000 feet 
upon the Mussoorri range of the Himalayas, is another botanic 
garden, where a climate more closely allied to that of central 
Europe is found. The thermometer there stands at 32° for 
Beveral months in the night time ; and the means for December 
and January are 42° and 45°. The greatest heat is 80°, during 



24 BRITISH INDIA. 

• 

th« month of June ; and the means of May and June are 66° 

and 67^. 

Not the least favorite of the hill sanitaria is that of Dhar- 
jeeling, situated on the Sikkim Hills, near the Himalayas, oa 
the north-east frontier of the Bengal Presidency : it is at an 
altitude of about 7000 feet above the sea-level, and distant 
from Calcutta about 350 iniles. There are some excellent 
roads in its immediate vicinity, but travelers are compelled to 
travel to it from the capital by water and palauquin. The 
temperature at -this station is pretty equal throughout the day; 
with clear dry cold in the winter season, and seldom, even in 
the hottest weather, approaching 70° of Fahrenheit. The 
average annual fall of rain is 130 inches, the wet season lasting 
from four to five months. The scenery around this settlement 
is of the most beautiful description, heightened as it is by the 
proximity of the snow-capped peaks of the Himalayas. This 
sanitarium has been found highly beneficial to invalids when 
resorted to in due season ; though in all chronic cases it does 
not, of course, afford that relief which is to be found in a voyage 
to sea. 

The forms of disease peculiar to the European residents in 
most parts of India, are congestive fever, intermittents, hepatic 
and other forms of disease, and rheumatism. Apoplexy is not 
unfrequent during the prevalence of the cold drying wind of the 
north-east monsoon; and occasionally, especially in Calcutta 
and Bombay, we meet with fatal cases of cholera. 

A sojourn for a month or two on any of the elevated moun- 
tain ranges will usually restore the invalid to health, provided 
he be not an old resident, or the disease has not assumed the 
•chronic form, in which case there is little hope for him but in 
a return to the bracing climate and cheerful scenes of his native 
country 

Amongst the natives we find the prevailing diseases to be 
cholera, dysentery, fever, skir affections, leprosy, rheumatism, 
small-pox, elephantiasis, and beri-beri. The latter is a peculiar 
type of dropsy ; and elephantiasis consists in a swelling of the 
kgs and ^eet until they assume the shape and almost the size 



BRITISH INDIA. 25 

of those of the elephant. Neither of these complaints havo 
ever been known amongst Europeans. 

Cholera first made its appearance, in the form of endemic 
disease, in 1817, in the district of Nuddeah, and has since thai 
time seldom been absent from all parts of India. 

Foremost among the products of the soil in India may be 
mentioned saltpetre, or nitrate of potash, of which vast quanti- 
ties are annually exported from Calcutta and Bombay. Tiiis 
useful saline product is found existing in caves, and also in the 
waters of stagnant marshes, frequently combined with the 
muriate and sulphate of soda. The existence of these salts is 
always indicated by the sterility of the adjoining land, which is 
incapable of cultivation. 

Coal deposits of considerable extent exist in the Bengal 
Presidency. The largest of these is in the Damoodah valley, 
stretching toward the Hooghly, not many miles from Calcutta ; 
and according to recent investigations containing seams forty 
and fifty feet in thickness. These beds extend over a space of 
thirty miles, between the towns of Nagore and Bancoorah. The 
seams rest on metamorphic and crystalline rocks of gneiss and 
mica schist, and at one point are covered by a ferruginous 
sand, an extension of the alluvium of the plains of the Ganges. 
A second set of be'ds is found in the valley of the river Sone, 
to the south of Mirzapore, in the Benares district, but not of 
similar extent or quality to the preceding. 

This coal is of very fair quality, and the company working 
the mines are doing so at a fair profit. In heating power it 
has not the properties of English coal, but it is sufficiently 
good to be in constant use by the river steamers and such 
steam-engines as are employed in factories. 

In gems India is exceedingly rich. The diamond-mines of 
Golconda have long been world-famed for the extreme beauty 
and great value of their yield. There are also valuable mines 
at Panna in Bundelcund, where the diamonds are found in a 
matrix of red iron-stone, gravel, and clay. The celebrated 
K^oh-i-noor, shown in the Great Exhibition, no less than others 
of immense value in the possession of native princes, testify to 
3 



26 BRITISH INDIA. 

the richness of ludia in precious stones. The ruby the emerald, 
the sapphire, the turquoise, the opal, the amethyst, and indeed 
almost every known gem, are to be found in various parts of 
the mountain-ranges and elevated table-lands of Hindostan, 
and often of great purity and beauty. 

Although we are told in ancient records that the Ophir of 
the east yielded the gold of those remote days, there does not 
appear to be any trace of the precious metal in India proper. 
It is found in the Himalayas in small quantities. Iron is, how- 
ever, found of good quality, especially in the Madras Presi- 
dency, where tliere is a company formed for the smelting and 
working the ore. The celebrated blades of Damascus bear 
testimony to the quality of Indian steel, and there is will some 
of equally fine quality produced. 

In the province of Ajmeer there exist some lead mines which 
yield at the present day a good quantity of ore ; whilst in the 
hills near Nellore, in the peninsula, some very rich specimens 
of copper ore have been found, containing as much as 60 per 
cent, of the pure metal. 

The hilly country of Mewar appears always to have been 
known to contain an abundance of mineral riches, and it is not 
too much to believe that it was this very source of wealth which 
in former times enabled the Ranas of Oodeypoor to oppose 
the Emperor of Delhi with such great and continued success. 
The most noted of the mines in this district were those of 
Jawar, which are believed to have yielded an annual revenue 
to the state of £22,000. 

The district of Jawar lies about twenty-five miles south of 
Oodeypoor, and is situated in an extensive valley, surrounded 
by hills overlooking a fertile but desolate plain, covered by the 
ruins of former prosperity. Many of these ruins consist of 
antique temples, erected on hills 160 feet high, composed entirely 
of ashes, the very existence of which, under such circumstances, 
bears testimony to the remoteness of the period when the mines 
were worked. 

At the present time no effort is made by the Rana to open 
up this source of wealth j a feeling of jealousy and distrust 



BRITISH INDIA. if 

appearing to exist in his mind as to the consequences of his 
doing so, though it seems that some very excellent specimens 
of zinc have been covertly obtained from that neighborhood. 

In the Teuasserira and Pegiian provinces tin abounds ; in- 
deed the whole range of the hilly country forming the great 
dividing range between these and the Burmese and Siamese 
territories maybe said to abound in mineral wealth. Nitre, 
alum, salt, mercury, lead impregnated with silver, copper in 
most of its varieties, the sulphurets, oxyds, and sulphates of 
iron, besides rubies, sapphires, tourmalines, and jasper, are all 
found in greater or less abundance throughout that range of 
country. In the Tenasserim province coal is likewise found, 
though it does not appear that any steps have been taken to 
turn this natural product to account. 

The forests of British India, if not so vast as those of 
America, are still of great value for domestic, commercial, and 
agricultural purposes : many of the woods grown in the Hima- 
layan and Deccan forests, as well as those in central and north- 
western India, possess wonderful strength and durability, not 
unfrequently combined with much beauty. By far the greater 
portion of these are quite unknown in Europe, and not many 
of them are in general use even amongst the Europeans of the 
East. In some instances the remoteness of the places of growth 
from populous districts proves a great bar to their use, unless 
where water-conveyance, the cheapest of all modes of transport 
in oriental countries, is to be had. 

To attempt an enumeration of even the principal woods of 
India would carry this portion of this work far beyond its 
limits. The extent of our present knowledge of Indian timber 
furnishes us with several thousands of specimens, of many of 
which we know little beyond the names. A large portion of 
them are fitted but for the most inferior description of work, 
many serving only for fuel or for garden-fences. On the other 
hand, there are a number of these woods which might well be 
used for furniture-work. 

The ebony, sattin-wood, and calamander, are more or less 
known here for their hardness, beauty of grain, and susceptibility 



S8 BRITISH INDIA. 

of high polish. There are also "blackwood," tamarind-wood, 
cedar, sissoo, teak, and saul-wood. The two latter are in most 
general use throughout the coasts and southern and central parta 
.of Hindostan, the first for ship-building, for which it is most 
admirably adapted ; the last for house-building and general 
engineering purposes. Both of them grow to a vast size, often 
measuring nine or ten feet round the trunk. The teak is 
cl:iefly found on the Malabar coast, and in the northern division 
of the Madras Presidency ; whilst the saul-timber is found 
growing in almost every latitude northward of Calcutta. 

There are many other woods used for every variety of pur- 
pose, answering to the oak, elm, and ash, quite unknown ex- 
cept to native carpenters. Until very recently some of the 
finest forests in the Bombay Presidency were in great danger 
of utter destruction from the reckless manner in which the 
natives of those districts were accustomed to fell the finest 
trees for their most ordinary requirements ; until at length the 
attention of the authorities was directed to the subject, and 
measures were adopted, not only to prevent this destructive 
w^astefulness in future, but to ensure an extension of plantations 
of teak and other useful timber. 

In the forests of Martaban, or British Bnrmah, on the east 
side of the Bay of Bengal, are extensive forests of teak and 
bamboos, attaining a great size ; but the former wood is 
scarcely equal to that grown on the Malabar coast or in Ceylon 
The license-fees for cutting this useful timber yield the Tenas- 
serim government about 12,000L per annum. 

Perhaps in none of its vegetable products does India diffei 
more sensibly from western countries than in its grasses. With 
its many varieties of soil and climate, its fertile valleys and 
richly clad table-lands, it nowhere possesses the constant and 
heavily-yielding pasturages of Europe. That there are many 
varieties of grasses, the large number of cattle, sheep, goats, 
&c., reared in many parts of India, not less than' the numerous 
wild animals which inhabit its less frequented districts, bear 
ample testimony. 

During the cool months and the rainy season there is little 



BRITISH INDIA. 29 

difficulty in firiding pasture for cattle. The principal of the 
Indian grasses, and perhaps the most generally diffused, is 
the Doob-grass {Synodon dactylon), a creeping plant pos- 
sessing much nourishing property in its long stems, no lesa 
than in its leaves. This endures the greatest elevation 
of temperature, as its roots penetrate far below the surface ; 
and although during the dry monsoon giving no sign of 
life, it puts forth its tender leaves on the first approach of 
the rains. 

A very nourishing grass, possessing a powerful aromatic 
odor, is met with on the elevated lands above the ghauts of 
the south, as well as in the north-west provinces. So strong 
are its aroma and flavor, that the flesh, milk, and butter of the 
animals feeding upon it become in time sensibly affected both 
in taste and smell. 

Upon the many slopes of the Himalayas there are found 
abundance of good nourishing pastures, admirably adapted to 
the requirements of cattle and sheep, and upon which many 
herds and flocks are reared when the dry season forces them 
from the plains below. 

Throughout the flat countries, and spread over vast tracts 
of indifferent soil, we meet with grasses, or rather herbage, in 
sufficient abundance, but generally either coarse and poor, or 
rank and distasteful to animals. In swampy or sterile plains 
these reedy grasses often fail to tempt even the coarse-feeding 
buffalo and rhinoceros; and it is a common practice amongst 
all the Indian villagers, at the end of the dry season, to set fire 
to these tracts, on which the long withered herbage readily 
ignites, and after the first monsoon showers, furnish a rapid 
and abundant supply of young sweet blades. 

In some parts of India, especially at the Presidencies, it \% 
customary to cut grass for hay, as fodder for horses during the 
excessively dry months, but latterly artificial grasses have been 
introduced for this purpose. The Guinea-grass and Mauritius- 
grass are both admirably adapted for feeding cattle. 

In plants yielding fibrous materials for cordage or cloth, 
India is peculiarly rich j and although many of these remain as 
3* 



80 



BRITISH INDIA. 



yet but little known beyond the places of production, there can 
be no doubt but that the time will arrive when the attention 
of practical men will be given to thera. Some few of these 
have already been successfully introduced into Europe, and 
become leading articles of commerce, as well as of considerable 
value to manufacturers. 

Foremost among these latter may be instanced Jute, a species 
of Corchorus, growing very freely in the lowlands of Bengal. 
Twenty-five years ago this was scarcely known in England ; 
yet so rapidly has it sprung into use for cordage, canvass, and 
purposes similar to those of flax, that for some time past the con- 
sumption of it there has amounted to a thousand tons a month. 

The China-grass is found abundantly throughout India ; and 
now that an improved and economical process has been dis- 
covered for preparing the fibre for market, this too bids fair to 
oecome of great commercial value. 

The fibre of the cocoa-nut, known as coir, is chiefly pro- 
duced along the Malabar coast : it is of superior quality to 
that from Ceylon. Sunn, Indian hemp, Indian flax, and aloe- 
fibre, are also known as articles of export to Europe. 

Besides these there are, however, a variety of others found 
in great abundance in most parts of Ilindostan, and in much 
request among the natives,, although very coarsely prepared. 
Of these may be instanced Toonda-coir (Galotropis gigantea), 
TJmbarce {Hybiscus canabinua), Marool {Sanseveira zeylamca)^ 
pine-apple fibre, plantain fibre, &c. &c. 

The following table illustrating the breaking-point of some 
of the Indian fibres, as compared with English hemp, may not 
be without interest : 



English hemp 
Aloe . . . 
Ejoo . . , 
Coir . . . 
Indian hemp 
Sunn . . . 
Brought paat 
Indian flftz 



Cannabis sativa 


. 105 lbs 


Argave Americana . . 


110 


ft 


Saguerua Rumphii , . 


96 


It 


Cocos nuci/era . . 


. 87 


tt 


Cannabis sativa . . 


. 74 


tt 


Crotolaria juncea . 


. 68 


tt 


Corchorus olitorius . 


. 68 


if 


Linun usitatissimum 


. 39 


» 



BRTTTSHINMA. 81 

Flax has ^ong been cultivated in India, particularly in the 

'northern provinces, but solely on account of the seed, the lin- 
seed of commerce, which issliipped iii Inro-e quantities to various 
jKirts of the world : the manufacture of linseed-oil is carried on 
to a small extent iti Bengal ; but in no case do we learn that 
any account is taken of the fibre of the plant, which, strange as 
it ma^; appear, is lost in immense quantities, a portion only of 
it being employed for such purposes as thatching houses, feed- 
ing or littering cattle, &c. 

Of far greater value, however, than any of the preceding is 
cotton. Tiie species peculiar to the Indian continent, in com- 
mon with other parts of Asia, as distinguishable from the 
American and West Indian descriptions, is, according to Dr. 
Royle, the Gosi^ypium Indicum or herbaceum; the Gossypium 
arboreum, peculiar to India alone, is unfitted for manufacturing 
purposes, and employed solely as a padding for cushions, 
pillows, &c., for which, from its silky softness, it is especially 
adapted. The former kind appears to have been produced in 
and exported from India since the most remote periods ; and 
during the present century to have assumed a very important 
position amongst the articles shipped from each of the three 
Presidencies. 

Great Britain at the present time takes on an average 
90,000,000 lbs. annually. China consumes nearly as much; 
whilst the native manufacture for local use cannot be less than 
600,000,000 lbs. yearly. This vast quantity will cease to cause 
astonishment, when we remember that the hundred millions of 
inhabitants of India are accustomed to use cotton for all those 
purposes for which hemp, flax, wool, and hair are employed in 
European countries.- Their finest, lightest dress for the hot 
months, as well as their warmer well-padded garments for the 
rainy and cool weather, are alike wrought from cotton. The 
costly gossamer-web which adorns the rarest beauties of the 
harems, and the coarsest rags" which envelope the emaciated 
form of the meanest outcast, are produced from the same fibres. 
The richest trappings and hangings which grace the state 
cauopy of the nabob, and the rope which terminates the exist 



S2 BRITISHINBTAi 

cnce of the vilest criminal, oM^e their common origin to the 
cotton plant of India. 

Extensively as it is employed in manufactures in the East 
and West, it is nevertheless deficient in those qualities which 
have secured to the cottons of North and South America tlie 
favor of the merchants and manufacturers of Europe, viz., 
length of fibre or staple, and cleanliness. The former is de- 
pendent on cultivation, the latter on the after preparation. 

In commerce, Indian cotton is known under the name of 
Surats, Tinnevelley, Bengal, Broach, &c., according to the 
locality of its growth or place of shipment. Dr. Boyle* gives? 
three distinct varieties of cotton, all indigenous to Hindostan, 
The common description is found scattered more or lesa 
throughout India, reared either as a triennial or annual. It 
reaches the height of five or six feet in warm,' moist climates; 
the seeds are five in number, clothed with a short grayish 
down. In the peninsula there are two distinct species of this 
sort, known amongst the natives as Oopuni and Nadum. The 
first thrives only on the richest black soil, and is an annual, 
producing a fine staple; the latter is a triennial plant, and' 
grows on the poorer red soil, yielding small crops of inferior 
quality. 

Next to these we have the Dacca cotton, as a distinct variety 
of the Gossypium Indicum. It differs from the previous in the 
plant being more erect, with fewer branches, and tinged with 
a reddish hue, whilst the cotton is finer, softer, and longer. 
This variety is reared more or less extensively throughout 
Bengal, especially in the Dacca district, where it is employed 
in the manufacture of the exquisitely fine muslin cloths known 
over a great part of the world as Dacca muslins, and whose 
delicacy of texture so long defied the imitation of the art- 
manufacturers of the West. 

A third variety is the Berar cotton, grown in the Berar 
country, in the northern provinces of the Madras Presidency, 
and in Surat and Broach. This plant attains a greater size 

* <' The Culture of Cotton in India," p. 139. 



BRITISH INDIA- 3S 

than the preceding, bears for a longer period, and produces a 
fibre of a finer quality than the former. It appears to thrive 
best on a light black soil of vegetable composition. 

Amongst commercial men the term Sural includes the prod- 
uce of Surat, Berar, and Broach, with occasionally some from 
Dacca ; it comes mostly from Bombay. The Madras cotton;^ 
are those shipped from Tinnevelly, Coimbatore, and other 
[•arts of that Presidency; whilst the Bengals take in the Bu'i- 
delcuiid, Nagpore, and the far northern provinces. 

Examined under a microscope, the staple of these sorts ap- 
pears to range from seventeen-twentieths to one and one-tenth 
of an inch in length ; the staple of the celebrated Sea-Island 
cotton being usually an inch and a half in length. 

The soil in which all these Indian varieties thrive may be 
classed under two distinct heads, the black and the red cotton 
soil. The former, as its name indicates, is of a bhick or deep 
brown color, of a clayey nature, blended with the red kunker 
of the country (a calcareous iron-stone), forming in the rains a 
heavy tenacious mass, and drying into solid lumps in the hot 
months. An analysis of this gives 74 per cent, of silex, 12 
of carbonate of lime, 7| protoxyd of iron, 3 of alumina, 2 of 
vegetable matter, and ^ salts, with a trace of magnesia. 

The red soil of India has been found in Rojue localities 
better suited to the growth of cotton than the black earth. It 
is a rather coarse yellowish-red soil, commingled with particles 
of kunker, silex, felspar, and aluminous earth. It mainly differs 
in composition from the preceding in the iron existiog in the 
state of peroxyd or red oxyd, whilst the carbonate of lime Is 
<)und present in greater abundance.* 

Analyses of the best cotton-soils of America prove that they 
tiS'er from those of India chiefly in the large portions of peaty 
iiatter contained in them ; and there appears to be little doubt 
out that this fact, and the peculiarity of the ciimate of the 
American seaboard, sufficiently account for the great superi- 



* " 



Royle's Culture of Cotton," p. 162. 



34 BRITISH INDIA. 

ority of the cottons of America over those of any other pfirt of 
the world. 

The medicinal plants, and the various substances yielded by 
them, are far from unimportant in an enumeration of the natural 
products of British India. There is little doubtj however, 
that at present the medical world are very imperfectly acf^uainted 
with the greater portion of the remedies employed, jften with 
very marked success, by the native practitioners. Many of 
these remedies are probably of small value ; but there are, on 
the other hand, a number of them which have already proved 
valuable auxiliaries to the pharmacopoeia. Senna, rhubarb, 
and castor oil, are the leading medicinal exports. In the gum 
and resin series, also an important branch of trade to Europe 
and America, we find the gums arable, olibanum, aiuraoniacum, 
assafcetida, benjamin, gamboge, mastic, and shellac. 

In dyes India is equally rich. Prominent amongst these is 
indigo, one of the most valuable dyeing substances known to 
us. Lac-dye, used for dyeing a tine scarlet, safflower, turmeric, 
madder, chaya-root, and annotto, are all freely exported to 
Europe 'and elsewhere, as well as some barks for tanning pur- 
poses. There are, however, many other dyes in use among the 
natives, which, although unknown to Europeans, might be 
found of some value. 

Caoutchouc, or india-rubber, has long been an article of 
export to England. Kattemandoo is a vegetable substance, 
partaking somewhat of the joint natures of india-rubber and 
gutta-percha ; it has only recently been brought into rotice, 
but will at no distant date form a valuable item of export. 

Of starches India boasts of several kinds. Some of it* 
arrowroot is pronounced by competent judges to be equal to 
llie best Bermuda. The Cassava starch, sago, and sago meal, 
are also amongst the useful products of the south of India. 

If the seeds and seed-oils to be found in India are not as 
important as many other of its products, they are nevertheless 
most useful as articles of commerce. Linseed and rapeseed 
are shipped in considerable quantities, as well as their oils, and 
the oil from the ground-nut and cocoa-nut. The two latter 



BRITISH INPIA. 35 

are chiefly produced on the east and west coasts of the peninsula. 
Sesamum-seed is likewise brought to Europe for crushing; 
and the seed of the cotton plant is not only extensively em- 
ployed in feeding cattle, but a very useful burning oil is ex- 
tracted from it. Besides the above, the natives produce a great 
variety of other oils for bnrning, cooking, or anointing, un- 
known out of India. Of these may be enumerated cadju-apple 
oil, poonga oil, oil of kossumba, poppy oil, poonseed oil, sim- 
boolie oil, karrunj oil, and many others. 

There are also several varieties of vegetable butters and 
tallows expressed from seeds and plants, and em;oloyed ia 
cooking or in lamps. 

The spices for which Hindostan is known, are cinnamon of 
second-rate quality, from the northern parts of Bengal ; cassia, 
from the Malabar coast, where also are grown ginger, pepper, 
and cloves ; cardamums are found generally in the peninsula, 
as are red and green capsicums. 

Tobacco, although grown to considerable extent in various 
parts of India, is nevertheless of very inferior quality ; that from 
Trichinopoly and Madras being coarse and acrid. The best 
is probably to be found growing on the banks of the Maha- 
muddy and the Godavery. 

The great staple of India, rice, is produced in every variety 
of soil, at every altitude and in every latitude. To name a 
tithe of these would prove a tedious and useless task, for they 
vary with every district in which they grow. The finest of 
hese, which is the Bengal table rice, is inferior to the Carolina 
kind, whilst the great bulk of them would be unmarketable in 
Europe, from their poverty of body and the slovenly manner in 
which they are prepared. The Arracan rice is a grayish 
opaque grain, used in England only for manufacturing starch. 
Cc pious irrigation is required for all these varieties; the 
Himalayan and other hill rices alone requiring no such aid, 
their elevation, at times as much as 600G feet, securing them 
from the great heat to which the other varieties are exposed. 

Maize is freely cultivated, but very far from equal to the 
American variety. A number of millets and other fine graiai 



36 BRITISH INTIA. 

are also rea-red in d'strlcts where irrigation for rice culture is 
not olDtainable, or where the ryots are too poor to obtain rice- 
seed, which, indeed, is the case in many of the more remote 
d-is^ricts The grains most commonly employed for food in 
place of rice are called Jowar, B'sjra, and R'lgi. 

In some of the northern provinces wheat is cultivated for 
local consumption ; whilst, on the other hand, in the south, 
whole districts subsist upon roots and inferior vegetables, with 
small portion-s of rice or some kind of pulse. 

In few natural products is India more prolific than in its 
fruits. The pine-apple, mango, mangosteen, jambo, tamarind, 
&c., are amongst the best known, besides an infinite variety of 
smaller fruits partaken by the natives, either dried or in their 
curries. To the north, and in the hill-districts, peaches, 
grapes, figs, &c., are both abundant and of good quality. In 
the south and central parts of Hindostan the fruits and vege- 
tables in general use amongst the people are melons, gourds, 
cucumbers, water-melons, plantains, guavas, jugubes, custard- 
apples, and figs. In some of the hill-districts the wild rasp- 
berry and a species of gooseberry are found in great abundance 
and of good quality. 

Those who would study the Flora of Hindostan and the 
Himalayas, will do well to consult the able and interesting 
works of Roxburgh, Wight, Wallich, &c., on this subject. 
It will suffice to mention, in this place, that India, both in its 
plains and its lofty table-lands, possesses some of the choicest 
flowers in the world, many of them very little known to 
Europeans, and possessing perfumes far more powerful than 
any in more temperate climates. The oleander, the Ff^rsian 
rose, the gloriosa superba, the passion-flower, and many other 
exquisite plants of great beauty and fragrance, are found wild 
ui the jungles. The lotus, the water-lily, and other similar 
plants, add beauty to every sheet of water ; whilst far up on 
the Neilgherries and the Himalayas we find the rhododendron 
attaining a size and beauty unknown in the West. The Indian 
ferns are also remarkable for their great size and exquisite 
structure. 




H 






(88) 



BRITISH INDIA. 39 

In few countries are wild animals met with in greater 
abundance or of more varied types than in British India. 

The elephant has from the earliest period been highly 
esteemed for his great utility to man, when caught and broken 
into harness or to carry loads upon his back. These animals 
exist wild in great numbers through many parts of India, and 
whilst in that state commit great injury to crops on the ground. 
When tamed, they are the most useful of animals except the 
horse, and prove invaluable to an army for the transport of its 
heavy baggage. 

The camel is scarcely less valuable ; for, though inferior ia 
strength to the elephant, it is far swifter. For mountain work 
it is even more useful ; and the camel-batteries and camel-ex- 
presses, so frequently employed in the wars in the north-west, 
prove the great value of this animal. 

In the forests are to be found rhinoceroses, buffaloes, bears, 
lions, wolves, foxes, antelopes, deer, wild boars, &c. The 
smaller jungles and low underwood are the haunts of tigers, 
jackals, leopards, and panthers ; whilst monkeys and apes 
abound on every side. The jackal, although occasionally a 
troublesome frequenter of poultry-houses, is nevertheless of great 
service in removing carrion from the crowded streets of all 
large towns and cities, which he does during the night time. 

The Indian Tapir is found in the larger rivers of the country. 
It has a general resemblance to the South American Tapir, 
but differs in color. 

The wild goat of Nepaul, although frequenting the highest 
peaks of the mountain-ranges, is nevertheless capable of being 
domesticated in the warm plains of the low country. It ia 
remarkably well-shaped, with light graceful limbs and fine ex- 
pressive head. Its color is slaty gray, mixed with rusty brown 
and black. 

In the same country is to be found a small red deer, the 
flcijh of which is highly esteemed. 

Perhaps the most highly prized of any animal in the East in 
the goat of Cashmere, with the long silky hair of which are 
worked the world-famed Cashmere shawls. They thrive best 



iO 



BRITISH INDIA. 




im>lAS TAPIR 



on the grassy slopes of the Cashmere hills, but are also reared 
with success in Lahore and still further to the south. 

The boa, the rattlesnake, the cobra capella, the tic-prolonga, 
and many other varieties of snakes, are in great abundance. 

Porcupines, armadilloes, ichneumons, guanas, and lizards 
exist in vast numbers. 

The birds of India are scarcely less beautiful than numerous. 
Perhaps the choicest of them all are those of the Himalayan 
pheasant tribe, birds distinguished for their very graceful and 
rich plumage. The Himalayan bustard is another bird re- 
markable for its form and varied color. Peacocks, eagles, 
falcons, vultures, kites, cranes, wild geese, wild fowl, snipes, 
bustards, parrots and parroquets, the latter in every conceiya))le 
variety, abound in all parts at various seasons. 

Crows, and a bird called the Adjutant, are to be seen in all 
large towns in thousands, and prove very serviceable in re- 
moving offal of every description from the streets ; they are 
the best, and indeed the only scavengers known in India, and 
no one ever attempts to kill these birds. 



BRITISH INDIA. 



41 




^..3^ 



BOA. 



The laughing crow is met with in great numbers in the vicinity 
of the forests of Hurdwar and Sireenagur, feeding on the wild 
fruits of the jungle. These birds are usually seen in flocks of fifty 
or a hundred, making a noise resembling loud laughter. The 
plumage of the back, wings and side is olive-brown ; on the 
tail the brown is that of amber. The head is ornamented with 
a crest of ronnded feathers. A black line passes from the beak 
across the eyes to the ear-covers, and excepting this the whole 
cl the head is white, as are also the throat and breast* 



4* 



* " Gould's Birds of Hindostan," plate xviiL 



12 BRITISH INDIA. 

Amongst the insects, the locust is of coraraon occurrence, 
frequently visiting particular districts in such clouds as to 
darken the air. The natives fry these creatures in oil, and eat 
them with considerable relish The leaf-insect, which in shape 
snd color bears so close a resemblance to a number of leaves 
as to render it impossible to detect them on plants ; the stick- 
insect, which in like manner wears all the appearance of a heap 
of dried sticks ; and the bamboo-insect, shaped precisely as a 
small piece of bamboo, are all perfectly harmless ; whilst the 
myriads of centipedes, scorpions, ants, musqnitoes, and other 
creatures, prove extremely obnoxious to . Europeans, more 
especially to new-comers. 

The rivers and bays of India abound with various descrip- 
tions of fish, some of which have been long known to and much 
esteemed by Europeans. A far greater number, however, 
although said to be excellent eating by the natives, have never 
been met w^ith on any other table. The objection to many 
of these latter consists in the great number of small bones con- 
tained in them ; in spite, however, of this, the natives use them 
in a variety of ways, either as curries or stews. 

Amongst those known to Europeans are the mango-fish, a 
great favorite in Calcutta during the mango season, the Indian 
mullet, the sable-fish, the whiting, a species of perch of great 
Bize, the kowall, the rowball, the inkle-fish, the nattoo, the 
mountain mullet, a species of sole, several kinds of herring, 
the white and black pomfret, and a very excellent salmon. 
Most of these are salt-water fish. The rivers are in many 
parts of the country infested with alligators. 

The animals of the Tenasserim and Peguan provinces differ 
in few particulars from those of Hindostan proper. Elephants, 
tigers, bears, and panthers abound ; whilst several species of 
the rhinoceros, the hare, the rabbit, the porcupine, are also to 
be met with in considerable numbers. The most interesting 
and valuable of all the animals of this region is a hardy and 
swift-footed pony, highly esteemed throughout all parts of 
India, especially for mountain journeys, where, from their being 
80 sure-footed, they are invaluable. The sheep and goat artJ 



BRITISH INDIA. 



43 



rarely met with here ; but buffaloes, oxen, and several varieties 
of the deer are plentiful. 

In ornithological specimens these provinces are peculiarly 
rich ; amongst them may be instanced a peacock of surpassing 
beauty, besides, partridges, pheasants, wild fowl, quail, pigeons, 
and an abundance of water-fowl of great delicacy and flavor. 
The edible-nest swallows are also common, and furnish a supply 
of nests for the China market, which realizes a considerable 
revenue to the local government. 

There is nothing to remark in the fishes of Pegu, similar as 
they are in every respect to those of the Bay of Bengal. The 
only exceptions which claim our notice are the climbing-perch, 
which makes its way inland to some distance, and a barbel of 
extraordinary beauty, whose scales, when fresh from the water, 
glisten in the sunshine like diamonds of the first quality. 




ZBBiT OK lymxs ox. 




THE CUTTCB MINAK. 



THE HINDOO PERIOD. 



-A -m * » > ■• 



CHAPTER I. 



THE IhlA OF FABLE AND THE EARLY HINDOO DYNASTIES. 



The early history of India, like that of many other countriea, 
presents little else than a confused series of mythological tales, 
fall of absurd recitals and chronological inconsistencies. To 
place any credit in the writings of the first Hindoo chroniclers, 
would be to carry the history of their country to a date long 
anterior to the creation of the world. The exploits of Rama, 
one of their favorite heroes, are stated by them to have taken 
place a million of years since ; whilst one of their records claims 
an antiquity of double that extent. The labors of such ori- 

(45) 



46 BRITISH INDIA. 

ental scholars as Colebrooke, Jones, Wilson, Prinsep, &c., 
have (lone little more for Hindoo history than point out the 
utter worthlessness of its earliest records. The most that can 
be made of that period is a tolerably accurate guess as to tho 
probai)le dates of such events as need not be put down as al 
together fabulous. From the time of Alexander's invasion of 
India, we are enabled to arrive at something more like cer- 
tainty with regard to Indian events and Hindoo sovereigns ; 
but nntil Hindostan became known to and finally conquered 
by the Mohammedan race, there was at best a most uncer- 
tain and irregular chain of records, from which the modern 
compiler of history can glean but vague and unreliable de- 
tails. 

Of late years, the labors of Mr. Prinsep have brought to 
light the means of deciphering many ancient inscriptions upon 
columns and on the walls of rock-cut temples, which had hith- 
erto defied the investigations of the learned. These prove to 
have been in the Pali dialect ; and, when read by the aid of Mr. 
Prinsep's key, were found to throw considerable light upon 
some portion of Hindoo history, and eventually to enable the 
discoverer to fix something like a date of certainty to the ceigns 
of monarehs which had previously been but ill defined. 

Of the great antiquity of the Hindoos there can be no doubt. 
Whilst Joseph was ruling under Pharaoh in Egypt, there were 
Hindoo princes who possessed considerable territories, and 
could bring large armies into the field. The " Ramayana," 
an Indian epic, although undoubtedly replete with fables and 
exaggerations, cannot but be regarded as shadowing forth, 
however falsely colored, certain events ajid exploits which 
possessed reality in themselves. 

. The first mention made of this nation gives as their residence 
a tract of country between the rivers Sersooty and Caggar, 
distant from Delhi about one hundred miles north-west. It 
then bore the name of Bramhaverta, as being the haunt of 
gods; and although it was but about sixty-five miles long by 
forty broad, it was the scene of the adventures of the firsi 



THE HINDOO PERIOD. 47 

princes, and the residence of the most famous sages.* At no 
very distant date from tlie first records, the Hindoos appear to 
have extended their territory, which then seems to have in- 
cluded the present districts of Oude, Agra, Allahabad, La- 
hore, and Delhi. The city of Oud, or, as it was then termed, 
Ayodha, appears to have been the capital of the kingdom. 
There were born, as emanations from Brahma, two princes, 
whose descendants were known as the solar and lunar races. 
Of these, upward of sixty appear to have lived ; but the ac- 
counts of their exploits are so fabulous, that no use can be 
made of them ; and we must therefore pass on to Rama, whose 
deeds, as already mentioned, were chronicled in the "Ramayana." 

In this oriental epic, we find the most extravagant recitals 
and supernatural occurrences detailed with the minuteness of 
facts. The hero is Rama, a king of Oude, who, having re- 
solved on a life of penance for a certain period, retired to a 
secluded forest with his wife Sita, a woman of surpassing 
beauty and extraordinary accomplishments. During their 
residence in this solitary spot, Ravana, the king of Ceylon, and 
ruler over a race of demons, chanced to see the beautiful queen, 
and became so enamored of her, that he carried her away to 
h\^ capital, Lanka. 

Rama, roused to activity by this loss, called to his aid Hann- 
man, the pretended monarch of a race of supernatural monkeys ; 
and these warriors, with their united followers, are made to 
march through the Deccan, cross the Pamben Passage by a 
miraculous bridge, and encounterin-g the wicked but mighty 
Ravana near his city, totally defeated him and his warrior- 
demons. Sita was of course released ; but the tale ends 
gloomily, for Rama, having accidentally killed his brother 
Lachmen, threw himself in his grief into a river, and was re- 
united to the divinity. 

Whatever fable and romance there may be in this great Hin- 
doo poem, it is more than probable that Rama did carry hif? 
arms to the south, and with some degree of success ; the Cey- 

* Wilson's preface to " Vishnu Purana,*' p. 67. 



48 BRITISH INDIA. 

Ion invasion, however, would appear to belong to a more re- 
cent period than that named in the " Rama^^ana." Nothing 
can be stated of the long line of solar princes who succeeded 
Rama ; and there is good ground for believing that during that 
after period, the seat of government was transferred from Oud 
to Canouj. 

The contents of the "Maha-Barat," which is the second 
great Indian epic, read far more like history than those of the 
"Ramayana." It relates to the great war which arose out 
of the claims of two rival branches of the then reigning family 
for the district of Hastinapoora, supposed to be a country to 
the north-east of Delhi, on the Ganges. Into this quarrel most 
of the neighboring princes of India seem to have been drawn ; 
and the war appears to have raged with great fury for a long 
period, carrying with it the partial ruin of some of the most 
flourishing districts of Hindostan. The victors of the Fandu 
branch suffered so severely in this violent contest, that for 
one or two generations they did not recover their former po- 
sition. 

The probable period in which this famous war occurred may 
be some time in the fourteenth century before the Christian 
era. Of the race of Pandu kings who filled the throne from 
this period, we find nothing on record beyond a mere list of 
their names ; and even here the loosely compiled annals of those 
remote times differ as to whether there were twenty-nine or 
sixty-four of them. 

Dismissing from our minds all that portion of the "Maha- 
Barat" which deals in marvelous occurrences and extraordinary 
exploits, we may still glean from its pages much matter of a 
more solid and reliable tone. There are scattered through it a 
great number of useful facts, bearing upon the position of the 
several kingdoms and independent states, their social condi- 
tion, power, and influence, which greatly redeem the general 
character of this Iliad of the East. From it we may learn that 
there were at least six distinct kingdoms in this part of India. 
Greek writers speak of as many as one hundred and eighteen ; 



THE HINDOO PERIOD. 49 

ont they probably intended to have written tribes, and not in- 
dependent states. • 

Besides the Ivingdora of Hastinapoora, we find one very 
powerful monarchy mentioned — the sovereigMity of ISIagada. 
The king of this country, at the period of the great war, was 
Siliadeva; and from that time until A. D. 436, we find a long 
li.ie of kings chronicled in one unbroken succession. It was 
in this state that Sakya, or Gotama Buddha, the founder of the 
Buddhist religion, was born, somewhere about b, c. 550, during 
the reign of Ajata Satru, the thirty-fifth sovereign from Saha- 
deva. It is the ancient language of this countr}'', Magadi or 
Pali, which has ever since been employed in the sacred writings 
of this widely-spread religion. 

Following this race of monarchs, we find that the fourteenth 
of the line was murdered by Chandragupta, who was of the 
Sudras, a low caste. It has been successfully shown by Sir 
W. Jones and Mr. Prinsep, that this king is the Sandracottus, 
or Sandracoptus, of the Greek historians, whom they represent 
as having concluded a treaty with Seleucus, one of Alexander's 
successors, about the year 310 b. c. 

The third king after Chandragupta, named Asoca, appears 
to have been the first who really had any claim to the title pre- 
viously bestowed on many others, that of lord paramount, or 
emperor of India. The mastery obtained by the indefatigable 
Prinsep over the old Pali inscriptions scattered throughout so 
many remote parts of India, has, amongst (j>ther points, satis- 
factorily established this one regarding the rule of Asoca, that 
his dominion extended from far northward of Delhi, even 
southward to Taprobane or Ceylon, and embraced a wide ex- 
tent of country east and west. It appears from the same in- 
BC^iption that his government partook of a highly civilized 
nature, more advanced than might have been iexpected : for 
many of those ancient writings appear to be edicts for the 
establishment of hospitals and dispensaries in distant parts of 
his empire, and also for the sinking wells and planting shady 
trees along the public highways for the benefit of travelers.* 

• Elphinstone's India, vol. i. p. 393. 

6 



50 BRITISH INDIA. 

The Magadft kingdom appears to have gradually lost its tur* 
.cendencv, until, in tlie fiftli century of our era, we find it brought 
under subjection to the kings of Canouj, and its territories no 
L"5nger recognized as a separate state. 

The kingdom of Bengal, although at various periods attain 
ing to a considerable degree of power, if we may judge from 
inscriptions on copper and stone, cannot be awarded the su- 
premacy in India which has been claimed for it by several Hin- 
doo writers. We can lay our hands upon very little reliable 
data as to the actual position of this state, though the lists of 
four distinct dynasties are preserved to this day, and may be 
tolerably correct. The last of the Hindoo dynasties, whose 
names ended in Sena, was subverted by the Mohammedan in- 
vaders about A. D. 1203. 

Gujerat appears to have had an independent existence at an 
early date, though we are without any reliable particulars. In 
the middle of the second century of our era, it seems beyond a 
doubt that a government existed at Balibi, under a Rajpoot 
race of rulers. In a.d. 524 these princes were expelled by an 
incursion of Indo-Bactrians from the north, but again held the 
reins of power in a. d. 531. 

In the eighth century the Balibi rulers appear to have been 
Bucceeded by the Chauras, another tribe of Rajpoots, who 
eventually removed their capital to Anhalwara, now Patan, 
and in after years attained to considerable power amongst the 
native states. This race became extinct in A. D. 931, when 
the Rajpoot tribe of Salonka succeeded it, and remained on 
the throne until early in the thirteenth century, when they in 
their turn were followed by a dynasty who ruled until early in the 
conquest of the country by the Mohammedans in a. d. 1297.* 

Of the kingdom^ of Canouj, our information is far from 
perfect, though such as has reached us, aided by the decipher- 
ing of various inscriptions, leads to the belief that this was not 
only one of the most ancient, but equalled any other state in 
its extent and importance. The splendid ruins of the capital 



• Briggs* Ferishta. 



THE HINDOO PERIOD. 51 

of Canonj, to be seen at the present day on the banks of the 
Ganges, attest the wealth and magnificence of this people in 
their palmy days. 

This state bore in remote times the name of Panchala. It 
extended from the Banar and Chambol in Ajmir eastward as 
far as Nepal, which it included. The princes of Canonj appear 
at various times to have carried their arms into the states of 
Bengal and Orissa on the east, and as far northward as the 
Indus. Little is known of them except what we gather from 
the Rajpoot writings and traditions, that the original race was 
subverted by a Hindoo dynasty, who subsequently succumbed 
before a Rnjpoot tribe, who continued to govern Canouj, until 
its final conquest in a. d. 1193 by the Moliammedana. 

Cashmere may undoubtedly claim equal antiquity with any 
of the preceding, though it may well be questioned if the dates 
assumed by the local histories be correct. According to the 
Cashmerian annals, that country was an independent state 
2600 years B. o. There is a very imperfect list of the monarchs 
of Cashmere, with a most meagre summary of events. After 
the succession of five distinct dynasties, the government was 
seized upon by Mahraoud, of Ghazni, in a. d. 1015. 

Sclnde appears, beyond a doubt, to have been a distinct 
kingdom at the period of the " Maha-Barat," though when 
Alexander invaded India it was evidently divided into some 
petty states ; all, however, independent. Early in the seventh 
century it was again united under one government. During 
the early part of the next century it was invaded by the Arab 
tribes, but subsequently retaken by the Rajpoot tribe of Samera, 
A. D. 150, and eventually fell before the rulers of the Ghorian 
dynasty in a. D. 1015. 

The earliest mention made of the kingdom of Malwar appears 
to be about fifty years previous to the death of Buddha. This 
state must at one period have been in a highly flourishing con- 
dition, and to one of its rulers, Vicramaditya, is attributed 
almost" universal sway over India. Certainly he extended his 
possessions far beyond the ordinary limits of the country, 
through the centre and West of India. We have little more 



63 BRITISH INDIA. 

than a long list of princely names in the " Ayeni Akberi" In 
connection with this state, though one of its early rnlers, 
Rajah Bhoja, would appear, by traditional records, to have 
acquired a more than common reputation. It lost its inde- 
pendence about the year 1231 of our era, when the Moham 
inedan arms swept over the whole of India. 

Of the remaining states or principalities we can say little 
more than that they comprised Gour, Mithili, Benares, Mewar, 
Jessclmere, and Jeipoor ; the three last of which still continue 
to exist as independent States. 

Leaving Hindostan, and its fragmentary histories, we turn 
southward, and find that the Deccan, if it be less involved in 
obscurity, is at the same time of far more modern date, and 
even less interesting in its details. 

There seems to be little doubt but that at one period this 
part of India was peopled by others than Hindoos. The 
aborigines are said to have been foresters and mountaineers, 
lep-ding a wild and lawless life. But this must have been at a 
very remote period, for there is abundance of proof that an 
advanced state of civilization prevailed previous to the time of 
the Greek notices of India. 

Through this tract there are not less than five dialects 
spoken : the Tamil, the Telngu, the Mahratta, the Canarese, 
and the Urya. The Tamil tongue prevails over the whole 
district to the south of Madras, on both sides of the peninsula. 

Of all these southern states, that of Pandya is the most 
ancient, together with the neighboring kingdom of Chola. 
They were both founded by men of low origin ; and although 
for some generations they made frequent and destructive wars 
upon each other, there seems to have been at a later period a 
long and cordial understanding between them. Pandya ex- 
tended not further than the pre&ent districts of Tinnevelly 
and Madura, its capital being the town of the latter name. 

The kingdom of Chola extended over a wider range of 
country than the preceding — from Madura to Nandidroog, and 
at one time over a portion of Carnata. The twelfth century, 
however, saw this state much humbled, and losing some part of 



THE HINDOO PERIOD. A3 

its independence, until a Mahratta chief being called int< aid 
the reigning rajah in some troubles, deposed him and assumed 
the sovereign power, thus founding the family of Tanjore. The 
capital of this state was generally Conjeveram, west of Madras. 

The state of Chera, which we find mentioned by Ptolemy, 
comprehended Travancore, Coimbatore, part of Malabar, with 
Borae portion of Carnata. It does not appear to have risen to 
any consequence, and in the tenth century was overrun by the 
troops of the neighboring kings and partitioned amongst 
them. 

Kerala included within its original boundaries Canara an^ 
Malabar; but about the commencement of our era these twf; 
districts appear to have become separated ; the former remained 
independent until far into the twelfth century, when it became 
a tributary of one of the neighboring states. The Malabar 
country seems to have been broken up into a number of petty 
states, one of which was that of the Zamorins, whose capital 
was Calicut, and where they were found by Yasco di Gama in 
the fifteenth century.* 

The kingdom of Orissa, although during a long period in a 
highly flourishing condition, has left little to tell its history 
beyond the most absurd recitals' of native writers, up to a. r. 
4*13, when a more intelligible narrative takes up the thread oi 
wVents. We hear of it in the " Maha Barat," and afterward in 
connection with the names of Salivahana and Yicramaditya, 
who appear to have occupied the country. From a. d. 473 
to A. D. 1131, the government was administered by rajahs of 
the Kesari race, under whom many petty wars were entered 
upon, until a prince of the house of Ganga Yansa, seized upon 
the throne, whose successors were afterward supplanted by a 
Kajpoot family of the race of the sun. This dynasty was, 
about the middle of the sixteenth century, expelled by a Telinga 
chief, and thirty years later Akber annexed the country to the 
empire, f 

Pow^' d as the Mahrattas became in more modern tiaaes^ 

' '[ilphinstone's India, vol. i. p. 415. f Asiatic Researches, vol. xr. 

5* 



54 BRITISH INDIA. 

and extensively though their language be spoken, we find far 
less of them in historical records than of any other race or 
country. Indeed, until the Mohammedan. writers mentioned 
them, there was nothing to mark their existence beyond some 
inscriptions which allude to their capital, Tagara, as a place 
of considerable commercial importance, though its site has been 
long since lost. This place is also mentioned by Arrian as a 
great emporium of the Deccan countiy, though with a very 
Tague allusion to its position. 

A race of kings of Kajpoot descent ruled over Maharashtra, 
as this country was called until the twelfth century, when a 
family of Yadus supplanted them.* Toward the end of the 
following century a Mohammedan invasion took place ; and after 
the reigning rajah had for some length of time been tributary 
to the Emperor of Delhi, the government was finally subverted 
by that power about A. d. 1311. How this people, at a later 
period, rose to great military power, and proved one of the 
most formidable opponents to and chief destroyers of the Tartar 
empire, will be seen in succeeding chapters. 

It may be sufficient to notice the Chalukya rajahs of Rajpoot 
descent as having ruled over a tract of country bordering on 
Carnata and Maharashtra. Another line of these chiefs 
governed Calinga, extending from Orissa to Dravira. Their 
rule appears to have lasted from the tenth to the twelfth 
centuries, at which latter period it yielded to the supremacy 
of the kings of Aridra, and subsequently to the rajahs of 
.Cattac.f 

The Andra kings reigned over a tract of country to the 
north-east of Hydrabad early in the Christian era. We possess 
little information concerning them, though it is certain that 
toward the end of the thirteenth century they had risen to some 
importance and power, and had extended their limits on the 
eouth. In A. d. 1332 the country was overrun by an imperial 
array, afterward by the kings of Orissa, and finally became 
annexed to the kingdom of Golconda. 

* Wilson's Preface to the Mackenzie PapeM. 
f Elphinstono's India, vol. i. p. 417. 



TUE HINDOO PERIOD. 



55 




ALEXANDER CONQUERING PORUS. 



Before closing this sketch of the early history of Hindostan 
and the Deccan, it may be well to glance at the view taken of 
India by the Greek writers, shortly after that country became 
opened to the western nations. 

Alexander himself evidently did no more than touch upon 
the very outskirts of India. Having checked the advance of 
his army on the banks of the Hyphasis, when the eastern world 
had but just been glanced at, he bent his steps toward the 
south-west, and passed onward between the desert and the 
Indus, leaving some few garrisons behind him, and one or two 
kings and chiefs allied to his government. Among these was 
the celebrated Porus, whom he first vanquished and wounded 
in battle and then received as an ally. 

A perusal of the writings of Ptolemy, Arrian, Aristobulus, 
and others of the early historians, cannot fail to impress us tvith 
a favorable opinion of their general accuracy, if we consider 
how limited the extent of their knowledge must have been, and 



5S BRITISH INDIA. 

cnder what disadvantages they must have written, "We shall 
find that thej represent the position and habits of the people, 
the state and form of internal governiD<^nt, the religion and 
literature of the Hindoos, precisely as wh. nave in later days 
found them to be'; and so far from expressing surprise at any 
erroneous statements tliey may have advanced, we should rather 
wonder that their mistakes have been so few. 

Of the division of society into distinct castes, the Greeks 
were perfectly aware, though they have added to the number 
of classes through some misconception. They appear to have 
been much struck with the absence of slavery in India ; for the 
servile state of the Sudra caste would hardly have attracted the 
notice of men accustomed to the domestic slavery of Greece 
and Rome. 

The subdivision of Hindostan into a great number of king- 
doms and petty states and principalities did not escape the at- 
tention of the Greeks ; who, however, greatly overstated their 
number, calqulating them at upward of one hundred. 

The forces which the Indian kings were capable of bringing 
into the field in those days were doubtless overcharged, but 
their composition and arrangement are truly enough described. 

Their account of the revenues of the country, and the sources 
whence derived, quite agree with our own knowledge of those 
natters. In the minute descriptions given of the assessment 
of lands and crops, of the irrigation and culture of the soil, of 
the duties of the various functionaries of the revenue depart- 
ment, of the natural products of the earth, of the articles form- 
ing the commerce of the country — on all these points they re- 
*ate that which might equally be written at the present time. 

We find the public festivals and royal shows* of the Hindoos 
^escribed as they are known to have taken place in much more 
recent times. And not less precise and accurate are the early 
writers in their account of the dress, the domestic manners, and 
social habits of the various classesf composing an Indian com- 
munity. In speaking of the personal appearance of the IJia« 

• Strabo, lib. xv. p. 493. f Arrian'3 Indxca, cay. xvi. 



THE HINDOO PERIOD 



57 



doos, both Arrian and Strabo notice the difference betweeu 
the inhabitants of the north and south country. The southera 
Inilians they describe as swarthy, tall, and handsome, not un- 
like Ethiopians it some respects ; whilst the denizens of the 
northern latitudes are said to be much fairer, and not unlike 
the Egyptians. 

The weapons employed by the Indian soldiers were, except- 
ing fire-arms, precisely such as are in use at the present day. 
The valor of the Hindoos is always highly spoken of; and they 
are described as being far more formidable enemies than any 
the Greeks had previously encountered in the East. 

That the country was, in the days of Alexander, in a highly 
flourishing condition there can be but little doubt, even if we 
make some allowance for exaggeration. There were said to 
have been 1500 cities, thickly peopled, between two of the 
rivers of the Punjab ; and one city is described as being eight 
miles long, and Ij miles broad, surrounded by ditches and ram- 
parts with 64 gates and 570 towers 




MALAY WOMAN. 




ii.fcir'al^. 






K ^^. 



5 5 -^V ^fc,^,v 






AHAli ENCAMPMENT. 



CHAPTER II. 



THE ARAB AND TARTAR INVASIONS, AND THE FINAL SETTLE- 
MENT OP THE MOHAMMEDANS IN INDIA. — A. D. 664-1022. 



The earliest appearance of the Arab armies of the west on 
the confines of the Indian territories was in the year 664, during 
an expedition of this people into the Afghan country, when, 
having penetrated as far as Cabul,* and made its ruler a tribu- 
tary prince, a portion of their army under Mohalib, a celebrated 
Moslem commander, pushed on as far as Mooltan, sacked the 
city, and carried away numerous prisoners. Although the 
Aiabs made several fresh inroads into the Afghan territories at 
subsequent dates, it does not appear that the country eastward 
« f that land possessed any attraction for them, since no further 
mention is made of any inroads by this people across the north- 
ern waters of the Indus. 

We hear, however, of numerous incursions by Arabs into 



(58) 



Briggs' FerisLta, vol. i. p. 4, 




99 



H 

O 
H 



O 
.-? 

P^ 



reo 



THE HINDOO PERIOD. 61 

the Scinde country as early as the reign of the Calif Omar ; but 
these would appear to have been chiefly of a piratical char- 
acter, 'with no other aim than plunder. The seizure of one of 
these marauders' vessels, at a subsequent date, in one of the 
sea-ports of Scinde, led to ihe invasion of the country by a 
numerous army under Mohammed Casim, the younger son of 
ITejuj, the governor of Basra. This juvenile warrior met with 
the most complete success, capturing the fortified city of De- 
wal,* overthrowing the son of the Rajah of Scinde, and spread- 
ing terror and carnage as far as the capital itself. Here the 
Kajah Daher interposed with a powerful army of fifty thousand 
men, and a numerous troop of elephants. Small as was the 
force of the Arab general, he had no alternative but to fight ; 
and availing himself of a strong position, he waited within it 
for the attack of the Hindoos. The great advantage possessed 
by the troops of Scinde proved of little avail ; for at an early 
period of the engagement, the rajah's elephant, having been 
wounded by a fire-ball, rushed from the field of battle, smart- 
ing with pain, and plunged into the water of the neighboring 
river. This untoward circumstance struck dismay into the 
Hindoo soldiers, who, dispirited at the absence of their royal 
master, began to give way ; and although the rajah soon re- 
appeared, mounted on his war-charger, the fortune of the day 
had been already decided. Finding all his efforts unavailing, 
Daher determined not to survive the disgrace of a defeat, and 
rushing with a chosen few amongst the thickest of the Arab 
horse, fell covered with wounds. 

It was in vain that his widow, with more than woman's cour- 
age, and all a woman's hope, endeavored to rally his broken 
forces. She, however, placed the chief city, Brahmanabad, in 
a posture of defense, holding it against the victors for some 
time ; and when at last all hope had fled, the women and chil- 
dren of her adherents perished in a huge funeral pile ; and the 
small Rajpoot garrison, flinging wide the gates, rushed out, 
and met their deaths upon the Arab weapons. Such as re* 

* Believed to have been on the site of the modern Kurrachoa 

6 



62 BRITISHINDIA. 

mained within the walls were slaughtered without mercy, and 
the younger members of their families carried away into cap- 
tivity.* 

Casira, it appears, met with but little opposition from this 
time, and found sufficient leisure to settle the administrative 
affairs of the newly corvqaered territory; which he arranged on a 
just and politic foundation, appointing many of the old Hindoo 
governors who had held office under the late rajah to similar 
posts, on the plea that they were best qualified to maintain the 
established institutions of the country. 

Having arranged much of the internal affairs of the country, 
Casim directed his attention further eastward ; and, bent upon 
the acquisition of fresh territory, commenced a march toward 
the celebrated city of Canouj, on the Ganges. He had marched 
as far as Oudipur, when an unlooked-for catastrophe cut short 
at once his plan of conquest and his career. Amongst the 
captives carried away from Scinde were the two daughters of 
Rajah Darhe ; these, on account of their high lineage and great 
beauty, were destined for the harem of the Commander of the 
Faithful. Arrived at the court of the Calif, they were presented 
in due form to the sovereign, who had been curious to witness 
the charms of the elder of them, who was indeed surpastiingly 
beautiful. On being conducted to his presence, she burs'i; Into 
a flood of tears, and exclaimed that, having been dishonored 
by Casim in her own country, she felt that she was not worthy 
to appear before the commander of the faithful. Th*? calif, 
incensed at this outrage, which thus became an insult to him 
self, and smitten moreover by her beauty, ordered that the 
offending general should be sewed up in a raw hiae and 
dispatched in that state to Damascus. This order was of 
course carried into effect; and the body of the late conqueror 
of Scinde having arrived at the palace, it was laid berore the 
princess, who, unable to contain her delight at the signt of it, 
declared to the astonished calif that Casim was indeed mnoceu«i 



• Briggs' Ferishta, voL iv. p. 409. 

... ''* 



THE HINDOO PERIOD. 63 

of the charge imputed to him, but that he had brought ruin 
and death upon her family, and she was nov7 avenged.* 

From this time the Arab arms appear to have made no 
progress. All ideas of further conquest seem to have died 
with Casim, whose authority was handed over to less ambitious 
commanders. The rule of the Mussulmans in Scinde continued 
until about A. D. 750, when the Rajpoots uniting their forces 
with the Hindoos, made a desperate effort to expel the foreign- 
ers from their country, in which, after some severe struggles, 
they eventually succeeded. 

The declension of the Arab sway may be said to have com. 
menced at this time ; certainly the empire of the califs at no 
later period extended over so large an extent of country. The 
death of the famed Haroun-al-Raschid was not long afterward 
followed by the secession of Khorassan and Transoxana. By 
degrees other provinces fell away from the califate ; and at no 
distant date the commanders of the faithful were reduced to 
puppets in the hands of their Turkish guards, and the disso- 
lution of their empire was sealed, j* 

Amongst the many petty dynasties of mixed Turkish and 
Mogul descent, which now swept over the northern provinces 
of the Arab possessions, were the Samanis, a family of Bokhara 
descent, who having firmly established themselves in Khorassan, 
ruled over that country for upward of a century. It was 
during their sway that the first member of the house of Ghazni, 
afterward the founders of the Mohammedan empire in India, 
assumed an importance which his descendants turned to good 
account. Alptegin, the founder of this new dynasty, was a 
Turkish slave in the service of Abdulmelek, fifth prince of the 
house of Saraani, and in that capacity performed the most 
menial offices. Finding that this slave possessed not only great 
personal courage, but many natural good qualities, liis royal 
master^ as was th^n a frequent practice, promoted him to some 
important posts, and eventually made him governor of 
Khorassan. 

* "Ayeen Akberry," vol. ii. ; BrLggs' Ferishta, vol. iv. 
f Price, vol. iv., quoted by Elphitstone, vol. i. p. 621. 



64 BRITISH INDIA. 

Alptegin held this command until the death of his patron, 
when, having given offense to his successor, he was forced to 
seek safety in flight ; accompanied by a faithful band of adhe- 
rents, he took refuge amongst the hill tribes around Ghaziii, 
in the very heart of the mountains of Solimari, where he bid 
defiance to his enemies, and secured himself in the sovereignty 
of that part of the country. The hill tribes of the vicinity were 
nothing loth to receive amongst them one who was both able 
and willing tc enlist their swords in his service, and provide 
them with pay ; and such as did not directly submit to his 
sway remained in friendly relation with him. During a period 
of fourteen years he appears to have maintained his position 
in the Ghaznivide country, supported by a numerous and well- 
appointed army, chiefly made up of Mameluke horsemen and 
Afghan freebooters. 

His death, which occurred in the year 9T6, placed on his 
mountain-throne one who, like himself, had been a slave. 
Sibektegin had served Alptegin with fidelity from the day that 
he had purchased him from a merchant traveling eastward from 
Turkistan, his native country; and having proved his faithful- 
ness and ability, he promoted him to the highest office next to 
himself. Whether he was named by the dying ruler as his 
successor, wanting heirs, does not appear certain, but the 
accession of Sibektegin to his master's power, under the cir- 
cumstances, was the most natural occurrence. He is said, 
likewise, to have married a daughter of his late chief, and thus 
to have strengthened his hold on the popular feeling of the hill 
tribes of Ghazni.* 

* "A story is told of Sibektegin, while yet a private soldier, which proves 
the humanity of the historian, if not of the hero. One day, in hunting, he suc- 
ceeded in riding down a fawn ; but when he was carrying off his prize in 
triumph, he observed the dam following his horse, and showing such evident 
marks of distress, that he was touched with compassion, and at last released 
his captive, pleasing himself with the gratitude of the mother, which often 
turned back to gaze at him as she went off to the forest with her fawn. That 
night the Prophet appeared to him in a dream, told him that God had given 
him a kingdom as a reward for his humanity, and enjoined him not to forget 
his feelings of mercy when he came to the exercise of power." — Elphinatoutf 
Tol. i. p. 526. 




TARTAR GENERAL 'AND HIS STAFF. 



(66) 



THE HINDOO PERIOD. 6T 

Events were now about to occur which speedily called forth 
the activity and courage of the new ruler. The Hindoo rajaha 
of the country east of the Indus viev»'ed with considerable ap- 
prehension the establishment of this Mohammedan power so 
contiguous to their own country ; and aware of the passion for 
aggrandizement manifested on every fitting occasion by this 
race, prepared to adopt aggressive measures, with a vkw of 
ridding their neighborhood of such a dangerous rival. Acting 
on these feelings, Jeipal, Rnjah of Lahore, prepared a large 
army, marched across the Indus, and approached the hilly 
regions of Ghazni, when he was encountered by Sibektegin. A 
fierce storm of wind, rain, and thunder so damped the energy 
of the Hindoo troops, unaccustomed to the severe cold of 
these climates, that Jeipal found himself under the necessity of 
coming to terms with his adversary, and agreed, as the price 
of peace and safety, to pay fifty elephants and a large sum of 
money. The elephants were surrendered on the spot, and the 
two armies separated, the Hindoos retracing their steps to 
their own country. 

Once safely within his own territories, Jeipal forgot hi3 
former danger and fears, and refused to complete his engage- 
ment by withholding the money-payments agreed upon. The 
Tartar chief was not likely to submit to this insult, and placing 
himself at the head of a numerous force of Turki and Afghan 
horse, marched rapidly toward the Indus. Jeipal was prepared 
for the coming storm ; he strengthened himself with the powerful 
assistance of the rajahs of Delhi, Ajmir, Calingar, and Canouj, 
and soon found himself at the head of a hundred thousand 
cavalry and a vast number of foot-soldiers. Sibektegin did not 
muster a fourth part of this number; but nothing daunted 
by the numerical strength of his adversaries, he relied on the 
superior strength and discipline of his chosen horsemen. 

Events proved the soundness of his judgment. The enormous 
masses of Hindoo troops were unequal to the shock of his 
Mameluk and Afghan charges, and once having succeeded in 
breaking their lines, he found little difficulty in completing 
their disorder and final overthrow. Jeipal's huge army fled 



88 BRITI&H INDIA. 

in the utmost disorder, and were closely pursued by Sibektegin 
as far as the Indus, up to which point he at once established 
his authority, and left a governor with a numerous body of 
horse in command of the country about Peshawur. 

How far Sibektegin might have pushed his conquests cannot 
be known, since he was required in another quarter to aid his 
neighbors and former masters, the Samanis, in repelling attacks 
from some turbulent chiefs of Bokhara. These refractory 
tribes were with difficulty reduced to submission ; and the ruler 
of Bokhara, to reward the services of Sibektegin and his son 
Mahmoud, conferred on the latter the government of Khorassan, 
and recognized the father in all his present possessions as far^s 
the Indus. Matters having been thus settled in the west, Sibek- 
tegin prepared to return to his government, but on his way 
thither was seized with illness and died. 

No sooner did Mahmoud find himself firmly established on 
the throne, and invested with the new title of sultan, than his 
restless and ambitious spirit, long nurtured by the military 
exploits and bold daring of his father, sought for some field on 
which to establish a new and dazzling reputation. 

It is scarcely matter for surprise, that the world-wide repu- 
tation of India for wealth should have led the young sultan 
of a semi-barbarous nation to turn his eyes in that direction. 
Added to this, it may fairly be presumed that Mahmoud was 
not altogether unmindful of the glory he would acquire by 
extending the Moslem faith on the wreck of Hindoo idolatry. 

In the year of the Christian era 1001, Mahmoud crossed the 
Indus with an army whose chief strength lay in its horse, for 
even at that period the Afghan cavalry were nearly always 
irresistible in open warfare. Defeating the rajah of Lahore at 
Peshawur, and carrying off a vast quantity of treasure, the 
sultan returned to Ghazni for a season. 

Three other expeditions into the Indian territories followed 
at various intervals, in the last of which the conqueror secured 
treasure and precious stones, to an amount previously unheard 
of, from the sacred shrine in the fortress of Nargacot at the 
foot of the Himalayas. To celebrate this achievement, Mah« 



THE HINDOO PERIOD. 69 

moud gave a triumphal feast, which lasted many days, during 
which the rich spoils of the war were exposed to public gaze 
upon tables of pure gold, amidst the sounds of martial music. 

Victories but served to stimulate this warrior-king to fresh 
achievements ; and the glory and treasures which would have 
proved to many inducements to after-repose, only whetted the 
royal blade of the Ghaznivide sultan for new and mightier 
strokes of conquest. The Nargacot exploit was followed after 
a year or two by the reduction of the Ghor country, the capture 
of Mooltan, an expedition to Tareesa near the Jumna, and two 
attacks upon the Cashmerian provinces. 

In the year 1017 Mahmoud took the boldest step eastward 
that had been made by any foreigner within the Indus. The 
victories he had already acquired, seemingly with so much 
ease, over the Hindoo rajahs on the north-west frontiers, em- 
boldened him to attempt something on a more enlarged scale. 
Accordingly, we find him assembling an array of 100,000 horse 
and 20,000 foot at Peshawur, with which he crossed the river, 
and taking his course due east as far as the Jumna, he turned 
southward, and arrived at the gates of Canouj before the rajah 
had received notice of his approach. After destroying many 
temples and razing a number of fortresses, Mahmoud returned 
once more to Ghazni laden with the wealth of India. 

It was in the year 1022 that the first permanent settlement 
of the Moslems east of the Indus took place, by the annexation 
of the Punjab to the kingdom of Ghazni ; and from this event 
may be dated the rise of the Mohammedan power in India. 
Hitherto all the conquests of Mahmoud had been but of a 
transitory nature. Kenown and plunder appeared to be thf 
leading objects of his expeditions ; but in this year, during a 
march to relieve his ally, the rajah of Canouj, Mahmoud was 
refused a passage for his troops through the territories of tl»c 
I^ahore rajah. This ill-judged step called down upon the 
offending Hindoo the vengeance of the Moslem conqueror, 
who did not quit the country until he had annexed it to his 
own dominions, and by that act laid the foundation of the 
Ghaznivide dynasty in India. 




KOHAMMEO. 



THE MOHAMMEDAN PERIOD. 



CHAPTER I. 

SULTAN MAHMOUD AND HIS SUCCESSORS OF THE GHAZNIVIDB 
AND GHORIAN DYNASTIES. A. D. 1022-1206. 



The reduction of the Lahore territories tlins brought the 
Mohammedan conqueror within the limits of India; and having 
by this stroke made himself permanently master of the whole 
country as far as the Sutlege, reinforced his array of occupation 
and strengthened the various garrisons in these districts, he 
felt himself at liberty to undertake further conquests. 

Two years later we find him entering upon his twelfth and 
last expedition in India ; but this time not so much on political 
as on religious grounds. The temple of Somnat, situated at 



THE MOHAMMEDAN PERIOD. 71 

the extreme southern boundary of Gujerat, was famed for its 
sanctity in the eyes of all good Hindoos. Mahmoud determined 
to evince the ardor of his zeal for the Prophet, by destroying 
this high place of heathen worship ; and it may not be incorrect, 
if we surmise that the reputed wealth of the Indian shrine had 
Bome influence in drawing upon it the warlike notice of the 
Sultan of Ghazni. 

Crossing the desert which separates Scinde from Mooltan, a 
distance of 350 miles, in perfect safety, the invading army 
found itself in Ajmir. Meeting with no resistance, the sultan 
pushed on toward the object of his journey, and soon arrived 
before Somnat, Tlie Hindoo defenders of their faith in vain 
offered a gallant resistance ; Mahmoud carried all before him, 
and became master of the gorgeous temple and its vast 
treasures. 

Returning to his capital, the victor appeared for a time dis- 
posed to remain in quiet; but fresh opportunities offered 
themselves, and once more tempted him to take the field. 
His last exploit was the crowning one of his reign : the con- 
quest of Persia seemed to leave him the most potent prince in 
the East ; and certainly there was no power near to disturb 
his security. But amidst all this glory the conqueror was cut 
off; and almost before his victorious army had had time to 
gather repose from their last exploits, ere their Persian laurels 
had lost their first bloom, their leader and sultan was taken 
from amongst them — the founder of the Afghan dynasty in 
India was no more. 

Mahmoud, if not the greatest sovereign the world ever saw 
.—as maintained by most Mohammedan writers — was assuredly 
the most famous of his age. Uniting in his person many 
brilliant and estimable qualities, he possessed but few of the 
failings so peculiar to the time in which he lived. To the 
character of a great general he added that of a liberal en- 
courager of literature and the arts ; and although he was not 
wanting in religious zeal, and lost no opportunity of humliing 
the power of Hindoo idolatry, he cannot be charged with any 
KJts of cruelty against his heathen . adversaries j and it is said 



T2 BRITISH INDIA. 

tbat he never took the life of a Hindoo save in battle or dnring 
the storming of a fortress. This, it must be remembered, 1$ 
the character of a prince who lived in an age when imprisoQ- 
ment aad murder were ordinary steps in a royal career. 

Perhaps his greatest failing, and one which grew with his 
years, was that of avarice. His Indian conquests helped to 
fill his treasury to an extent unknown in any previous or future 
reign. It is reported, that upon his hearing of the great 
wealth of some cotemporary monarch, who had managed to 
amass as much as seven measures of jewels, he exclaimed with 
great fervor, " Praise be to God, who has given me a hundred 
measures."* 

His love of riches was, however, blended with a spirit of 
liberality in certain directions. Besides founding a university 
in his capital, with a museum and library attached, Mahmoud 
Bet apart a large yearly sum, amounting to fully 50,000 
dollars a year,f for the maintenance of a body of professors 
and students, as well as pensions to learned men. Amongst 
the literary characters who were attracted to his court by this 
patronage, was the poet Ferdousi, who composed an epic 
poem of 60,000 couplets, celebrating the exploits of the 
Persians previous to the Mohammedan conquests, a work whi^-ih 
occupied his energies during a period of thirty years, and 
which has been deservedly admired by Europeans not less than 
by Orientals for its many surpassing beauties. Mahmoud, 
however, for some cause not quite clear, disappointed the poet 
in his promised recompense for this noble production ; and it 
is said that Ferdousi died of a broken heart. 

Mahmoud was not often wanting in his public duties ; and 
it is related of him, that on one occasion a woman went to him 
to complain of the death of her son, who had lost his life from 
robbers in a remote part of some newly-acquired territories. 
The sultan observed that it was impossible that he could enforce 
the laws in such a distant corner of his kingdom ; the woman 
replied — " Why, then, do you take countries which you cannot 

• Blphinstone, vol. i. p. 572. f Briggs' Ferishta, vol. i. p. 60. 



IHE MOHAMMEDAN PERIOD. 



IS 




masaud's army on the march. 

govern, and for the protection of which you must answer in the 
day of judgment ?" Mahraoud felt the justice of the repi )of, 
and at once gave instructions to afford better protection to hia 
distant subjects.* 

Mohammed, who had been nominated by his deceased fathei 
as his successor to the throne of Ghazni, in preference to his 
brother Masaud, did not reign many weeks. The more war- 
lil^e and popular character of the latter gained for him the 
suffrages of the people and the army, who proclaimed him 
sultan so soon as he made his appearance at the capital from 
the province of Ispahan. 

The military qualities of the new sovereign were very shortly 
in requisition ; for whilst a rebellion broke out in Lahore, the 
Seljuks, a warlike and powerful tribe of Tartars on the north 



* Elphinstone, vol. i. p. 571. 



H BRITISH INDIA. 

of the Oxus, threatened his dominions with an invasion on the 
west. The troubles in his eastern possessions being quelled, 
Masaud marched against his new enemies, who had in the 
mean time (a. d. 1034) defeated and killed one of his ablest 
generals. A campaign of two years on the western frontiers 
of his dominions ended in a decisive battle near Mero, in which 
the Seljuks (a. d. 1039) were left complete masters of the field. 

The sultan retreated with the shattered remains of his army 
to Ghazni, where finding disunion and discontent amongst his 
people and army taking a formidable shape, he determined to 
retreat beyond the Indus, and seek to recruit his shattered 
fortunes in his Indian territories. On his way to Lahore dis- 
content took the form of mutiny, which ended in his deposition, 
and the restoration to power of his brother Mohammed. The 
immediate resnlt of this was the death of Masaud, by command 
of Ahmed, son of Mohammed, after a turbulent reign of ten 
years. 

The rule of Mohammed was not, however, destined to a long 
continuance. The deceased sultan's son, Modud, took imme- 
diate steps to avenge his father's death. Marching from the 
western frontiers with a small body of troops, he made his way 
through Ghazni to Lahore ; and meeting Mohammed and hia 
son at Fattehabad, he attacked and completely routed their, 
army, making themselves and families prisoners, and eventually 
put them to death to secure to himself the undisturbed pos- 
session of the throne. 

The whole attention of the new sultan was for a time directed 
to the west, where the movements of the Seljuk invaders were 
becoming daily more alarming- Either from the circumstance 
of Modud having espoused a daughter of one of the Seljuk 
chiefs, or from more important matters engrossing their attention 
elsewhere, they appear not to have offered any real opposition 
to his regaining possession of Ghazni, which he did in the year 
following his accession to power; 

Pisturbances now occurred in the east (a. d. 1042), caused 
no doubt by the absence of the new sultan from his Indian 
territories. The Rajah of Delhi made this the occasion of re- 



THE MOHAMMEDAN PERIOD. 15 

covering all the cities captured by Masaud on the east of the 
Sutlege ; and elated with his first successes, the Hindoo prince 
pushed his forces to the very gates of I^argacot, to recover 
which holy shrine vast crowds of Indian volunteers flocked to 
his standard. The religious zeal of the Hindoos bore down 
all opposition ; and despite the strong military position of this 
temple-fortress, the shrine fell once more into the hands of its 
votaries. 

Stimulated still further by this new success, and assured by 
the absence of the sultan, the rajah called around him the 
whole Hindoo population of the Punjab, and proceeded at 
once to deliver the country from the Ghaznivide yoke. 

Lahore was shortly after (a. d. 1044) invested by the Indian 
army ; and the garrison, receiving no succor or supplies during 
a siege of seven months, began to be reduced to great ex- 
tremities. They must soon have yielded before fatigue and 
famine ; but determined to make a last des[)erate effort, they 
sallied so vigorously upon the besiegers as completely to dis- 
perse them and raise the siege. 

The remainder of Modud's reign was occupied in keeping 
within bounds the turbulence of his subjects, the disaffection of 
his Indian possessions, and the restlessness of his Seljuk neigh- 
bors. In the midst of these conflicting occupations Modiid 
expired after a reign of nine years, (a. d. 1049.) 

The throne was now occupied by the late sultan's brother, 
Abul Hassan, who, however, after a short rule of two years, 
gave way to his uncle, Abul Rashid. 

This prince was not more fortunate than his predecessor; 
for before the second year of his reign he was beseiged in 
Ghazni by a revolted chief, captured, and put to death with all 
his family. The successful rebel enjoyed the fruits of his 
treason but a month, at the 2nd of which time he was assassi- 
nated ; and the army sought for some member of the rightful 
family to occupy the vacant throne. 

The choice at length fell upon a young prince, Farokhsad, 
who had passed many years in prison through the jealousy of 
previous outlaws. His reign, although it lasted but six ye^ps, 



76 BRITISH INDIA. 

may be called a prosperous one compared tD those preceding 
it. He managed to curb the restless, aggressive spirit of the 
Seljuk tribes, and at the same time to preserve order and quiet 
within his own dominions, but at last fell by the hand of aa 
assassin. 

His successor was his brother Ibrahim, a prince of widely 
different tastes and temperament from all who had gone before 
him. His desire was peace ; and having conciliated his 
troublesome neighbors, the Seljuks, he devoted himself steadily 
to the internal affairs of his kingdom. Religion, the adminis- 
tration of justice, and the encouragement of learned men, ap- 
pear to have engrossed the chief of his time ; and the only 
mention we find of him, in any of the historical records, aa 
engaged in a military undertaking, was upon some expedition 
to the Sutlege, on which occasion he captured several cities 
from the Hindoos. Little as there is to record of this monarch 
of a political nature, his reign nevertheless lasted for the un- 
usual period of forty-one years, and terminated as peacefully 
as it had commenced. 

The next in succession was Masaud II. (a. d. 1089), who 
enjoyed a peaceful reign of twenty- five years, during which 
period the greater portion of his attention was devoted to 
legislating and improving the condition of his country. Some 
expeditions into Hindostan were undertaken by his generals, 
but with no great or lasting results. 

Arslan, the elder son of the deceased sultan, commenced his 
reign with violence, and ended it in his own blood. Having 
imprisoned his brothers, their uncle, the Seljuk sultan, marched 
against him with a formidable army, defeated him, and placed 
one of his brothers, Behrara, on the throne. Arslan was pur- 
sued from the battle-field and slain. 

The new sultan (a. D. 1118) appears to have inherited the 
love for literature which had distinguished so many of his pre- 
decessors. Learned men, poets and philosophers, were wel- 
comed at his court, and treated with the greatest consideration. 
The peaceful and prosperous state in which he found the king- 
dom greatly favored this, and for a period of nearly thirty 



THE MOHAMMEDAN PERIOD. 77 

years allowed him ample opportunity to gratify his tastes. The 
peaceful tenor of his long reign was unfortunately broken, 
through an act which could scarcely have been expected from 
a monarch of such elevated tastes. 

Having had a difference with his son-in-law, Kutb-u-din Sur, 
prince of Ghor, he contrived first to get him into his power, 
and then to kill him. The brother of the murdered prince 
lost no time in avenging him, and marching upon Ghazni 
with a numerous army, drove out the treacherous Behram. 
The defeated monarch, however, fonnd means and opportunity 
to fall upon the invader and completely routed his troops, 
making himself prisoner, and eventually putting him to a cruel 
death. 

lietribution for this double crime was at hand. Ala-u-din, 
another brother of Kutb-u-din, entered the Ghaznivide terri- 
tories at the head of a small but determined body of troops; 
and although in the first instance fortune did not appear to 
favor him, he finally succeeded in compelling Behram to fly for 
safety to his Indian territories, where he shortly afterward died 
from exhaustion and grief. 

His son, Khosru, who had shared his prosperity, had now 
(a. D. 1152) to participate in his reverses. The discomfited 
army of Ghazni, finding itself deprived of its leader, followed 
the son mih more than ordinary devotion, and succeeded in 
fighting a way to Lahore, where the new monarch found his 
[ndian subjects ready to receive him with open arms. It does 
lot appear that the reign of Khosru was marked by any 
Dolitical events of consequence. His tastes led him to consult 
:he prudent policy of peace, and to rest contented with the 
[ndian limits of his ancestral possessions ; nor do we find that 
he suffered any molestation from the new dynasty ruling at 
Ghazni. 

At his death (a. D. 1160) he was succeeded by Khosru 
Malik, who, after a most tranquil reign of twenty-seven years, 
was attacked by the Ghor kings, and eventually defeated and 
slain. The kingdom of Lahore from this date became a 



78 BRITISHINDIA. 

portion of the Ghaznivide territory in the hands of the new line 
of princes. 

Gheias-u-din, the Ghorian sultan of Ghazni and Lahore, 
aided by the military talents of his brother, Shahib, had not 
long been settled in his new conquest before he began to turn 
'his attention eastward ; and, like many of his predecessors, to 
attempt new conquests on the Indian side of the Sutlege. The 
Ilajali of Delhi was the first Hindoo potentate attacked ; but so 
well was he supported by his followers, that the fierce and war- 
like forces led against them from the north failed in their efforts ; 
and despite the terrible charge'^ of Afghan horse, the troops 
of Delhi were left masters of the battle-field; Shahib, who 
commanded the invading forces, escaping with great difficulty 
and badly wounded. 

Two years later (a. d. 1193) Shahib, burning with a desire 
to wipe out the stain upon his military reputation left by his 
former defeat, again marched an army of Turks and Afghans 
across the frontiers, and encountered Pritwi, the Delhi rajah, 
whom he found assembled with a powerful army from many 
Indian states to oppose his further progress. Upon this occa- 
sion the Afghan cavalry decided the result of the day, for 
having drawn the Hindoo troops from their line of battle, 
Shahib suddenly wheeled round a body of chosen horse, 12,000 
strong, and charging the vast mass of troops whilst in broken 
columns, succeeded in utterly routing them.* The rajah was 
made prisoner, and ultimately put to death whilst in confine- 
ment. 

This victory was followed by other conquests. The Rajah 
of Canouj was defeated in a pitched battle, and his territories 
were at once annexed to the dominions of the victor. Gwalior, 
in Bundekund, as well as several strong positions in Rohil- 
cund, were next taken possession of; and in the following 
year the Ghaznivide warrior extended his arms still further, 
subduing the fine provinces of Oude, Behar, and Bengal. 

The death of Gheias-u-din, which took place after a reign of 

■ ♦ "Ferishta,*' vol. i. pp. 173-177. 



THE MOHAMMEDAN PERIOD. 



19 



forty-five years, placed liis brotlier, Siialii!)-u-dm, on the throne. 
India, however, saw no further exploits of this successfnl 
warrior. He was engaged in a war with the sultan of Kharism, 
which terminated to Ins disadvantage, and led to the defection 
of some portion of his western -possessions. A second expe- 
dition against that country was on the point of being under* 
.taken, when Sliahib fell by the hands of assassins after a short 
reign of four years. Few soldiers had been more successful or 
enterprising than the conqueror of the central provinces of 
Hindostan ; even the brilliant achievements of Mahmoud were 
unimportant in extent compared to those of the Ghorian sultan, 
who had extended the Afghan rule as far as the extreme limits 
of the Ganges. 

Upon the death of Shahib (a. d. 1206), his nephew, Mah- 
moud Ghori, was proclaimed sovereign ; but he continued to 
rule over no more than Ghor ; and so far abandoned claim to 
any further territory as to send the insignia of royalty to the 
viceroy of India, Kutb-u-din, then resident at Delhi. Thus 
India became an independent power ; and in the person of the 
uew monarch commenced the line of kings of Delhi. 





JENOHIS KHAN. 



CHAPTER II. 



FROM THE ESTABLISHMENT OF THE KINGDOM OP DELHI TO ITS 
CONQUEST BY THE TARTARS. A. D. 1206-1526. 



KuTB-u-DiN was the first of a line known as the slave-'kinga 
of Delhi, from the fact of their having been originally Turki 
slaves. The present monarch had been -raised to his high 
rank through the favor of Shahib, who greatly admired bis 
many good and shining qualities. He seems to have been a 
prudent and just monarch, and to have attached his subjects to 
his person by the wisdom and gentleness of his rule, which, 
however, lasted for but four years as a king, though he had 
governed the state of Delhi as viceroy for fully twenty years. 
flis son Aram was a weak prince, and was set aside shortly 
after his accession for Altamsh, son-in-law of Kutb-u-din, who, 
like his predecessor, had been raised from slavery to high 
fav^or. 

Altamsh was not deficient in military talent and personal 
(80) 



THE MOHAMMEDAN PERIOD. 81 

courage, and found ample occupation during his reign for both 
qualities. The Mohammedan power was never so thoroughly 
established ia any portion of Indian proper, but some rajah or 
dependent sovereign found occasion for attempting an assertion 
of their territorial rights. In this way Behar, Malwa, and 
Gwalior called down upon them the chastisement of Altamsh. 
It was during this reign that the celebrated Jenghis Khan 
poured his Mogul myriads from the north over a great part of 
Asia, aod at one time threatened the Indian monarchy with an 
invasion. 

The death of Altamsh at Delhi, brought his son, Rukn-u- 
din, to the throne, whence his indolence, indifference, and dis- 
sipation shortly drove him in favor of his sister Rezia. 

The sultana (a. d. 1236) was a woman of more than ordinary 
attainments, and seems to have administered the affairs of the 
kingdom with wisdom and industry. Her talents, however, 
failed to secure her in the possession of the throne. Jealousies 
crept iii, a party rebelled against her authority, and finally, 
after a severe engagement, her troops were defeated, and Rezia 
made captive and slain in cold blood. 

During the two short reigns of Behram and Masaud which 
followed, the most prominent event was the invasion of India 
at different points by armies of Moguls, one of which pene- 
trated as far as Bengal. They were, however, driven back 
with considerable loss. 

Nasir-u-din Mahmoud (a. d. 1246) was the grandson of 
Altamsh. Of studious disposition, he committed the charge 
of government and of all military operations to his vizier, 
formerly a Turki slave of his grandfather, and a man of great 
ability. Through his energy several revolts in the remote 
Hindoo states were suppressed, and the inroads of the Moguls 
on the \^ estern frontier effectually checked. 

Upon the death of Nasir (a. d. 1266), his vizier, Gheias u- 
din Bulbun, stepped quietly to the throne, where he r:iaintained 
himself by a line of rigorous cruelty to all suspected of being 
inimical to his interest. His reign, which lasted for a period 
of twenty years, was marked by insurrections and invasions, all 



8d BRITISH INDIA. 

of which he overcame with the same success which had marked 
his career whilst vizier. 

With his successor, Kai-Kobad, ended the race of the slave- 
kings. This monarch ruled but for a brief period ; and at his 
death the choice of the people fell upon Jelal-u-din, in whose 
person commenced the house of Khilji. His reign, as also 
that of his nephew and successor, Allah-u-din, was a constant 
succession of plots, intrigues, and murders. 

At this period a third Mongolian invasion of India took 
place, more formidable than either of the previous. Thanks, 
however, to the bravery and experience of his general, Zaffer 
Khan, the sultan was victorious, though his success cost him 
the life of his heroic commander, who fell covered with wounds. 
This victory induced Allah-u-din to turn his arms to the 
peninsula of India, where he defeated several of the hitherto 
independent rajahs, and compelled them to pay him tribute. 
Jealous of the influence and number of the Moguls in his army, 
the sultan ordered them to be dismissed his service without 
pay, -and afterward to be exterminated to the number of fifteen 
thousand. 

The death of Allah (a. D. 1316) was said to have been 
hastened by poison administered by his favorite general, Mallek 
Kaffir, who thereupon caused the late king's youngest son, an 
infant, to be proclaimed. This meeting with the disapproval 
of the nobles and army of Delhi, they placed Mubarik, the 
eldest son of Allah, on the throne, slew Mallek, and so far re- 
stored tranquillity. The new sovereign, although he bogaii his 
reign with no less an exploit than the conquest of the Malabar 
country, quickly abandoned himself to dissipation, and left all 
authority in the hands of a low Hindoo, one Mallek Khosru, 
who shortly afterward found an opportunity to murder his 
master, together with every member of his family. 

This treason drew upon him the speedy vengeance of the 
nobles, who, with the Rajah of the Deccan, dispersed his adhe- 
rents, and terminated his power with his life. The race of 
Khilji ended with Mubarik, and with his successor commenced 
the rule of the house of Toghlak. 



THE MOHAMMEDAN PERIOD. 83 

There being no member of the royal family left (a. d. 1321), 
the choice of the nobles and of the army was naturally directed 
toward those chiefs who ranked highest amongst them. Their 
selection was Gheias-u-din Toghlak, governor of the Punjab, a 
man of high reputation in military and civil affairs, and who 
proved himself not unworthy of the popular choice. He 
sliowed both activity and wisdom during his short reign. The 
threatened invasion of the Moguls on the north-western frontiers 
was effectually checked by a Ihie of defenses thrown up along 
the Afghan boundary, whilst on the south he busied himself by 
subduing a further portion of the Deccan, and arranging 
matters in Bengal and Tirhoot, as well as annexing the 
territories of the Rajah of Dacca to his dominions. 

Returning from this last expedition, he was killed by the 
fall of a bungalow, erected expressly to receive him by his eldest 
son, not without strong suspicion of premeditation against the 
latter, who, as a consequence of this occurrence, mounted the 
throne. 

Mohammed Toghlak was proclaimed sultan (a. d. 1325) 
amidst a great show of ostentatious liberality to all about him. 
He was a prince of great ability, and possessed more than 
ordinary acquirements ; and few monarchs evinced a greater 
desire to patronize men of learning and distinction than did 
the new sovereign. His accomplishments, however, did not 
counterbalance his terrible crimes ; and, if possible, his talenta 
served but to add to the violence of hi-s outrageous actions. 

An army of Moguls, which found means to enter the Punjab, 
was bought off by a large sum of money. The subjugation of 
the remainder of the Deccan was completed, and general good 
order was restored throughout the most remote provinces of hh 
vast dominions. 

From this time Mohammed seems to have abandoned him 
self to a most extraordinary and violent line of conduct, quit( 
at variance with the previous reputation he had earned. Ar- 
invasion of Persia with a gigantic army — the conquest oi 
China — were both productive of disastrous consequences t-o 
himself and his people. And added to these freaks were his ex- 



84 BRITISH INDIA. 

cessive fiscal imposts, and his tampering with the currency, 
and terrible cruelty to the inhabitants of many districts. 

These excesses produced open rebellion ^a. d. 1338) in many 
quarters ; and during the- next thirteen years we read of a 
Buccession of revolts, which seem to have kept the sovereign 
constantly employed. Many of these outbreaks were quelled 
for a time ; but in several instances the disaiFected provinces 
defied the power of the tyrant, and maintained their inde- 
pendence. Amongst these were Bengal, the Carnatic, and 
the Malabar territories. 

Mohammed is reported to have died of a surfeit of fish at 
Tatta, whilst on his way to quell one of the numerous revolts 
of that unsettled period, leaving no family behind him. 

Firuz Toghlak, the late king's nephew (a. d. 1351), was 
raised to the throne in the absence of any direct heirs. His 
reign, though not distinguished by any great military exploits, 
was yet one of prosperity, and attended with the happiest re- 
sults to his people. He reversed all the fiscal and monetary 
decrees of his uncle, and busied himself more in the execution 
of works of public utility and improving the resources of his 
dominions, than in seeking to add to their extent. 

In the eighty-seventh year of his age, Firuz, from bodily in- 
firmity, resigned nearly all his power into the hands of his 
vizier, who soon began to use his authority against the claims 
of the heir-apparent. He failed, however, in his plots ; for 
the son persuaded Firuz to banish his minister and invest him 
with supreme authority. His dissolute conduct soon disgusted 
the nobles ; and eventually he was compelled to fly to the 
mountains for safety, and the old king once more resumed the 
reins of government. 

Upon his death a scene of disorder, struggles, and blood- 
ghed followed. Two grandsons reigned after him in succession, 
each for but a few months ; Nasir Toghlak, the banished son 
of Firuz, returned and resumed the government during three 
years ; after which his son, Humayun, assumed the sceptre, 
but lived only forty-five days. 

Mahmoud Toghlak, the younger brother of the preceding, 




TAMERLANE, OR TIMUR BEC. 



rse) 



THE MOHAMMEDAN PERIOD. , 8T 

was a minor when he ascended the throne, (a. d. 1394.) This 
circumstance, added to the previous distracted state of the 
kingdom, induced the governors of Gujerat, Malwa, and Juan- 
poor, to assert and maintain their independence ; and it was 
soon evident that the new sovereign, so far from being able to 
turn his attention to them, would find occupation nearer home, 
where civil troubles awaited him. 

In the midst of these commotions (A. d. 1398) a fresh 
calamity descended upon the country, which at once threatened 
the speedy dissolution of the empire. Tamerlane, having 
overrun Persia, Georgia, and Mesopotamia, with portions of 
Russia and Siberia, at the head of vast hordes of Tartars, 
turned his attention to India, and sent forward his grandson, 
Pir Mohammed, to prepare the way for the main body of the 
invaders. 

The Tartar general swept the Punjab with his fierce 
troops, and after carrying fire and slaughter through the entire 
province, took possession of the fortified city of Mooltan. 
Tamerlane, meanwhile, had effected a passage across the 
dangerous defiles of the mountain-ranges to the north of 
Afghanistan, marched for the Indus, which he crossed at 
Attok, and thence made for Sarnana, massacring the inhabit- 
ants of every town through which he passed. 

Reinforced by a junction with the army of his grandson, 
Tamerlane marched toward Delhi, where he found the Sultan 
Mahmoud prepared to receive him with a large force, aided by 
many auxiliaries and a numerous body of elephants. The in- 
vaders proved superior to the Indians both in numbers and 
valor ; and although the sultan did his best to defend his king- 
dom, the Hindoo army was defeated with immense slaughter. 
Mahmoud sought refuge in Gujerat, whilst his broken forces 
took shelter within the walls of Delhi, where they made terms 
with the Tartar chief, and submitted to his authority as 
Emperor of India, which he was then proclaimed. 

The capitulation of the city did not save it from the plunder 
and violence of the Tartar troops ; who, meeting with some 
resistance in their excesses, fell upon the inhabitants, and a 



88 BRITISH INDIA. 

general massacre ensued: "some streets were rendered im- 
passable by heaps of dead ; and the gates being forced, the 
whole Mogul army gained admittance, and a scene of the 
utmost horror ensued."* 

Tamerlane quitted Delhi when there seemed nothing further 
to be gained by remaining ; and carrying with him an immense 
booty and a vast retinue of slaves of dl ranks, he marched 
through Meerut and up the banks of the Ganges as far as 
Hurdwar, thence across Lahore to the Ghazni country by the 
route he had followed on entering India. 

The Tartar monarch may be said to have found Hindostan 
a garden — he left it a desert, a. i>. 1399. Famine and pesti- 
lence were the gifts he showered on the inhabitants, whom 
he deemed not worthy of slavery in a distant land. Acquisi- 
tion of territory seemed to be no part of his plan. A fame 
Buch as in those days of bloodshed was deemed worthy of a 
despot, he certainly achieved, but with no advantage to him- 
self beyond the amount of treasure he managed to carry with 
him on his way to meet other foes. * 

After various struggles and some bloodshed in Delhi for the 
mastery, Mahmoud at length came forward and reasserted hia 
claim to the throne. He lived a few years after this ; and waa 
succeeded by Doulat Khan Lodi, who, after a rule of one year, 
gave way to the governor of the Punjab, Khizir Khan ; and 
thus ended the Toghlak dynasty of the Afghan race of kings 

Khizir Khan affected to rule in the name and under the 
authority of Tamerlane, and by this artifice gave a stability to 
his government which it could not otherwise have possessed. 
His reign of seven years was followed by that of his son Syed 
Mobarik, a just and prudent ruler, who was, however, during 
thirteen years, continually embroiled in disturbances. 

Seyd Mohammed, his grandson, was placed on the throne 
npon the assassination of Seyd Mobarik. He ruled for a brief 
period, and was succeeded by his son, Seyd AUah-u-din, who^ 

• "rerishta,"vol.L 



THE MOHAMMEDAN PERIOD. 89 

after reigning for seven years in great weakness, abdicated, and 
made way for the fifth or Lodi dynasty. 

Behlol Lodi, governor of the Punjab, was descended from an 
Afghan family of high character, whose power and influence 
fead caused the jealousy and persecution of the late dynasty. 
The outbreak which drove Seyd Allah from his throne called 
Behlol to Delhi; and although meeting at first with some re- 
sistance, he soon established himself on a firm footing, and 
reigned peacefully and successfully for a period of twenty- 
eight years. 

His son and successor, Secander Lodi, maintained himself in 
his father's possessions with vigor and firmness, managing the 
internal affairs of the kingdom with great leniency and pru- 
dence. He was, however, a bigot, and persecuted the Brah- 
mins with great cruelty. The territories of Behar were re- 
annexed to Delhi by Secander, who was not deficient in 
military talent. He died at Agra in A. D. 1516. 

Ibrahim Lodi, his son, possessed all his father's intolerance, 
without any of his good qualities. By a course of cruelty and 
oppression he alienated the afi*ections of his people from hia 
family, and at length drove his nobles to open rebellion. 
These called to their aid one who was only too glad to avail 
himself of the opportunity of reconquering the old acquisitions 
of Tamerlane. Baber, a descendant of the last-named emperor, 
and who then reigned supreme in Ghazni, accepted the invita- 
tion of the governor of Lahore, and passed the Indus at the 
head of a small but well-appointed army. After some en- 
counters in the upper provinces, Baber advanced toward Delhi, 
where Ibrahim met him with a large body of troops far superior 
in number to his own. The superior tactics of the Tartar 
chief, and the valor of his well-disciplined troops, gave them 
the advantage over the huge but unwieldy mass of Hindoo 
soldiers. The last of the Afghan race of monarchs fell on the 
battle-field, leaving Baber in possession of the country, with no 
obstacle between himself and the empire. 
8* ' 




CHAPTER III. 



FROM THE REIGN OF BABER TO THE DEPOSING OP SHAH JEHAN. 

A. D. 1526-1658. 



Descended in a direct line by his father's side from Tiraur, 
the first Tartar scourge of India, Zehir-ed-din, or, as he is 
more generally styled, Babe* the Tiger, claimed equal con- 
sanguinity by the maternal line with another great warrior, 
Jenghis Khan, the Mogul conqueror. It is from this latter 
circumstance, doubtless, that nearly all writers have erroneously 
applied the term " Mogul empire" to the rule of this Tartar 
dynasty. 

Contrary to the general expectations of his followers, Baber 
determined upon exercising the title by which he was now 
known, and as Emperor of India to remain at Delhi, strengthen 
his position, and even add to his already extensive territories. 
This resolve, although disapproved of in the first instance by 
the chiefs of his army, soon found favor in their eyes when 
they began to taste the pleasures of an Indian life, and be- 
came accustomed to the soft enervation of a southern climate. 
(90) 




BABER. 



(9l> 



THE MOHAMMEDAN PERIOD. 93, 

The various governors and subordinate rajahs, who had 
assumed something of independence during the recent disturb- 
ances, were not disposed quietly to submit themselves to the 
rule of the newly-made emperor, and several of them set him 
openly at defiance. To chastise these became his first duty ; 
a task, however, more arduous and dangerous than he had at 
first contemplated. The Afghan chiefs and the Hindoo and 
Seikh soldiery fought with determined obstinacy, and disputed 
every battle with desperate valor. On more than one occasion 
Baber, who did not spare himself, was in imminent danger of 
falling into the hands of the enemy ; and it was not until the 
end of the fourth year of these hard-fought struggles that he 
brought the various provinces once more under the dominion 
of Delhi. 

The emperor was not destined to outlive these successes 
long. A life of strange vicissitude and great bodily hardship 
had made inroads upon his constitution, not to be shaken off. 
He was sensible that his end was drawing near ; and accord- 
ingly prepared for it by many judicious arrangements relative 
to the future government of the country, which he bequeathed 
to his son Humayun, and finally expired at the end of the year 
1530, having reigned over India five years. 

Humayun ascended the throne with the most brilliant pros- 
pects. The empire appeared to be firmly established ; the 
revenues were in a flourishing condition ; and he himself a prince 
well calculated to secure the good-will of all those about him. 
Of an amiable disposition, with a great taste for literature, and 
a considerable share of military reputation, he gave promise of 
swaying the destinies of the Indian people to their happiness 
and his own glory. But his character proved far from suited 
to the spirit of the age in which he lived, and which could 
adapt itself to none but an iron rule. 

An excursion against Gujerat was followed by one into the 
Afghan territories, where, although victorious, he nearly fell a 
victim to treachery, and only succeeded in escaping with hia 
life. Hearing of his reverses, his brothers and some chiefs re- 
belled against him ; and after one or two attempts to recover 



94 BRITISHINDIA. 

his authority, he was eventually compelled to seek safety in 
the kingdom of Persia, where he was received with great kind- 
ness, and even promised assistance, by the monarch of that 
country. 

By the aid of this new ally, Humayun was at length enabled 
to punish his rebellious relations, and retake a portion, though 
a small one, of his former dominions ; and after an absence of 
nearly sixteen years re-entered Delhi in triumph. His restora- 
tion, however, was not long enjoyed by him ; for missing his 
footway whilst walking on a terrace of his palace, he fell to 
the ground below, and suffered such severe injuries as caused 
his death a few days afterward. 

Before proceeding to narrate the events which distinguished 
the career of Akbar, the successor of the preceding monarch, 
it may be well to place before the reader a brief account of the 
other Indian states, partly independent and partly owning the 
supremacy of the emperors of Delhi, inasmuch as most of these 
will figure in the pages which chronicle the deeds of the new 
monarch. 

The empire of Delhi had reached its utmost limits in the 
reign of Moh-ammed Toghlak ; but upon the death of that 
monarch many provinces of the kingdom threw off their alle- 
giance, and with but few exceptions maintained their inde- 
pendence until the reign of Akbar. Of these the most im- 
portant were, perhaps, the kingdoms of the Deccan, viz., 
Deccan proper, from the ruins of which sprang the kingdoms 
of Bijapoor, Ahraednegar, Golconda, and Berar. Tiie king- 
dom of Gujerat, founded in a. d. 1396, cojitinued independent 
until A. D. 1561, when it was conquered by Akbar. It com* 
prehended pretty nearly the tract of country at present known 
as the Gujerat country. The Malwa kingdom lasted from 
A. D. 1401 until 1512; whilst that of Candeish continued intact 
from A. I). 1399 to 1599. Besides the preceding were the 
Rajpoot states of Scinde, Bundelcund, Gwalior, Oodipoor, 
Marwar, Jesalmeer, Jeipoor, and some petty hill tribes in the 
western deserts. 

The kingdom of Bengal remained independent from A. D 




HUMAYUN. 



^95) 



THE MOHAMMEDAN PERIOD. 97 

1838 to 1573, governed by Hindoos, wbilsl Mooltan and a 
pait of the Punjab were goverjied partly by Afghan families 
and partly by descendants of Tamerlane. 

At the time of his accession to the throne, Akbar was littlft 
more than thirteen years of age. His youth and inexperience 
were fortunately fully compensated by the wisdom and vigor 
of his vizier Behrara Khan, his father's general and primo 
adviser. This able commander lost no time in putting down 
the insurrections which broke out in various parts of the empire 
at this time, as was usual upon the death of an Indian monarch ; 
and by carrying the young emperor, nothing loath, with him, 
he helped to complete the military education which had been 
commenced in his father's reign. 

The first who brought upon him the chastisement of Akbar 
was Hemu, a Hindoo prince who had assumed the title of 
Emperor of Delhi. This usurper had collected a powerful 
body of troops favorable to his claims and inimical to the 
Mohammedan rule, and by their religious zeal was enabled to 
make a good stand against the Tartar army. A great battle 
was fought at Paniput, in which the Hindoo prince bore a 
conspicuous part; but despite the number and valor of his 
devoted followers, victory, which for some time appeared 
doubtful, at length declared in favor of the Mohammedan 
forces, and Hemu was taken prisoner after being badly wounded 
in his howdah. It is related that the captive was brought to 
Akbar in his tent, where his minister, Behrara, desired him to 
give the first blow to the Hindoo, as a signal for his death. 
The brave young emperor refused to strike his wounded 
prisoner ; upon which the vizier, enraged at his unlooked-for 
generosity, struck off the head of the captive with his own 
hand. 

This victory was followed by the complete submissjcn of the 
provinces of Delhi and Agra, and shortly afterward by the 
pacification of the Punjab. The young emperor had, however, 
to deal with another and more dangerous opponent in the 
person of his prime minister and general, Behram Khan. This 
able but violent man, raised by his undoubted ability and past 
9 



98 BRITISH INDIA. 

services to the highest offices and greatest authority, began to 
give evidence of a cruel and jealous spirit, in the many deaths 
which he caused amongst those about the court, who might in 
any degree oppose his authority or wishes. He soon became 
not only hated and feared by the nobles of Akbar's court, bm 
an object of distrust and aversion to the monarch himself, who 
at length formally deposed him and sent him on a pilgrimage 
to Mecca ; on the road thither he was assassinated by a relative 
of one of his former victims. 

At this period (a. d. 1560) the dominions of the emperor 
included only the Punjab, Delhi, Agra, Lucknow, Ajraeer, and 
Gwalior. A general spirit of insubordination ruled through 
most of these provinces, which was no doubt ministered to by 
the belief that Akbar's extreme youth rendered opposition to 
his authority an easy matter. The emperor soon showed a 
determination not only to restrain and punish these refractory 
spirits, but also to recover all those portions of the empire 
which had fallen from it during the past century, and so make 
India but one country under one common head. 

Malwas was the first province annexed by Akbar, though 
not without some hard fighting and a good deal of subsequent 
insubordination on the part of the generals and governors put 
in command, against whom the young emperor was compelled 
to proceed in person. Other revolts in various parts of the 
kingdom followed, which occupied the attention of the monarch 
for seven years, at the end of which period he had either slaiu 
or conciliated all his unruly chiefs and opponents. 

The Rajpoot princes were the next who drew against them 
the arms of Delhi. The strong fort of Chitur, in Oodipoor, 
was besieged, and after a gallant resistance captured with all 
its treasures ; the rajah was never taken, and the country 
managed to hold out against Akbar through his entire reign. 

Gujerat was next (a. d. 1572) subdued by Akbar in person, 
and annexed to the empire ; after which Bengal was attacked 
by one of the imperial generals and finally subdued, though 
not without some hard fought battles. Here, too, Akbar had 
to contend with rebellious chiefs, who appear to have given 



THE MOHAMMEDAN PERIOD. 99 

him more trouble than the original possessors of the country. 
By means of great firmness, and judiciously blending with it a 
degree of moderation and clemency, Akbar finally succeeded 
in quieting all this portion of his dominions,* and firmly 
establishing ais power throughout the whole of central India. 

Ilis attention was next turned to Cashmere, a country situated 
cri the Himalayas^ above the reach of the temperature of 
llindostan, and gifted with fertility and a salubrious climate. 
The dissensions of the reigning dynasty, a race of Mohammedan 
adventurers, opened a tempting door to the ambitious spirit 
of Akbar, who forthwith sent an army, which, forcing the 
mountain passes leading to that country, soon compelled the 
king and his chiefs to accept the terras offered them, namely, 
complete subjection to Akbar's sovereignty. From this period 
Cashmere seems to have been the summer residence of the 
emperors of Delhi so long as that monarchy lasted. 

A war with the Afghans of the north-eastern provinces of 
Cabul did not interfere with the quiet government of Hindo- 
stan, the whole of which was now under the rule of Delhi as 
far as the Nerbudda, excepting only a few of the Rajpoot 
territories. ' 

The Deccan became the scene of Akbar's further conquests 
in the year 1596 ; and after tw< years spent by his generals in' 
that countr3^ he himself marched to the scene of operations 
before Ahmednegar. The war in the peninsula was terminated 
by the defeat of the reigning princes and the annexation of a 
considerable part of that state to the emperor's dominions. 

Leaving the prosecution of further objects (a. d. 1601) in 
the liands of his minister, Abul Fazl, Akbar quitted the Deccau 
and proceeded to Agra. This w^as rehdered necessary by the 
rebellious conduct of his eldest son, Selim, who, instigated by 
bad advisers, and under the influence of opium and wine, had 
seized upon Allahabad and declared himself king of Oude and 
Behar. This rupture was, however, healed shortly afterward : 
Selim was declared heir to the throne, admitted at court, and 
permitted to wear royal ornaments. 

* Stttwart's H' story of BengaL 



100 BRITISH INDIA. 

The many years spent by Akbar in warlike operations, the 
daring and reckless manner in which he had ever exposed him- 
self to the dangers and privations of the field and camp, had 
not failed to work their effect upon his constitution ; despite 
his abstemious habits, he appears to have labored under severe 
and frequent ailments during the latter years of his reign, and 
in the month of September, 1605, his illness assumed so alarm- 
ing a form as to leave little doubt what would be the result. "* 

A combination was attempted on the part of some of the 
nobles to set up Selim's son, Khusru, as successor, but it 
broke down ; and Selim, who at first had absented himself from 
his father, remained by his side during the last days of his 
mortal illness, and received from his hands the royal scymeter. 

Akbar died after a reign of forty-nine years, passed amidst 
ilmost continued warfare, leaving his kingdom on a firmer 
basis than it had been at any previous period. Possessed of 
all the military genius so necessary in those times, Akbar was 
endowed with many excellent qualities not often combined 
with royalty in the East. A lover of science and literature, a 
ttiost rigorous dispenser of justice, a practiced financier, a 
thorough master of all business details, the late emperor found 
time, amidst all his wars, to pursue the peaceful studies of a 
philosopher. Tolerant in the extreme to all religious sects, 
Akbar frequently held discourses with Brahmins and Christians 
upon their creed, and would permit no persecution for differ- 
ence of opinion. His intimacy with the learned Abul Fazl 
and his brother Feizi contributed doubtless to his moderation ; 
and to the same cause may be ascribed his own free-thinking 
ideas, which, whilst they rendered him a very good sovereign, 
made him a very indifferent Mohammedan. 

The revenue of the empire was placed upon a sound footing; 
many splendid works of military and ornamental character 
were undertaken ; and the whole of his own royal establishment, 
althoug^a on a vast and magnificent scale, was reduced to the 
most systematic order.f In short, no part of his government 

♦ Price's Memoirs of Jehan-Ghir, p. 70. f "Ayeen Akberry." 




JEHAF-GHIR. 



02) 



THE MOHAMMEDAN PERIOD. 103 

appeared too insignificant in his eyes to deserve its own share 
of regular attention. 

No opposition was offered to the succession of Selim, who 
was saluted by the title of Jehan-Ghir, or " Conqueror of the 
World." But before the end of the first year of his reign, it 
became apparent that the peace of the empire was to be dis- 
turbed by Jehan-Ghir's own son Khosru, who, raising levies, 
marched northward and seized on the city of Lahore. His 
father followed him at the head of a chosen body of troops ; 
and, in an engagement which followed, totally defeated the 
rebel army, making many prisoners, amongst whom was the 
author of the treason, Khosru, who was loaded with chains 
and kept a close prisoner for a year. 

About this time (a. d. 1611) the emperor married the widow 
of a late governor of Bengal, who became so famed for her un- 
rivaled beauty and brilliant accomplishments as to receive the 
title of Noor-mahal, or ** Light of the Harem." This favorite 
obtained complete ascendancy over the emperor's mind, but 
exercised it with great wisdom, influenced, it is believed, by 
the sage councils of her father, a man of high repute. The 
emperor resigned to Noor-mahal the direction of his imperial 
household ; and by her aid it was managed not only with 
magnificent pomp, but with a great regard to economy and 
order. The monarch alludes most feelingly to the good influ- 
ence of his sultana and her family in his autobiography, and 
ascribes much of his prosperity to their wise councils and 
devoted services. 

Some disturbances in Bengal were soon quelled, as was also 
a difference with the Kana of Oodipoor, who was forced to sub- 
mit to the authority of the emperor. Jehan-Ghir's attempts upon 
the Deccan were less fortunate, and after an obstinate resistance 
his army v/as forced to quit that country with heavy losses. 

At the conclusion of these operations (a. d. 1615), an em- 
bassador from the British court, Sir T. Roe, reached Ajineer, 
to form a treaty of amity with the emperor, or, as he was then 
termed by European writers, "the Great Mogul." Sir Thomas 
remained in the country three years ; and in the account of hia 



104 BRITISH INDIA. 

embassy, written by himself, he has left a very ample descrip* 
tion of the Delhi court, and the state of the country at that 
time. 

From this it appears that, however rigorous in his outward 
bearing, the emperor indulged in free living when in private, 
and even in the company of the English embassador. Jehan- 
GMr gave every encouragement to Europeans, and permitted the 
free exercise of their religion. It is said also that he wore 
figures of Christ and the Yirgin at the head of his rosary, and 
that two of his nephews embraced Christianity with his full 
consent.* 

The prodigious wealth of the emperor may be judged from the 
circumstance related in his memoirs of his presenting the bride 
of one of his sons on the evening of her marriage with a pearl 
necklace valued at $300,000, and a ruby worth $125,000, with 
a yearly maintenance of $150,000. f 

The great and unbounded influence of Noor-mahal over the 
emperor raised up many enemies to her authority, and amongst 
others Korrun, or, as he was afterward styled, Shah Jehan, 
the monarch's third son. Fearing her power as adverse to his 
claims, and possibly having advices of some intrigues against 
him at court, the prince threw aside all disguise, and boldly 
raised the stand^^rd of rebellion by laying siege to Agra. Here 
he was defeated with considerable loss, and compelled to seek 
his safety in flight ; but nothing daunted by his first failure, 
he continued to maintain his struggle for several years with 
varied fortune. 

An incident at this time had well-nigh changed the whok 
course of events, but for the device and boldness of the famed 
Noor-mahal. Mohabet Khan, governor of the Punjab, having 
incurred the displeasure or jealousy of that favorite, was 
ordered to repair to the presence of the emperor, then enc<imp'Pd 
on the Ilydaspes, to meet certain charges against him. lie 
set out at ihe head of a few thousand chosen horse, and per- 
ceiving that his ruin was intended, resolved to strike a blow 

* Sir T. Roe. f Memoirs of Jehan-Ghir. 



THE MOHAMMEDAN PERIOD. 105 

that should frustrate the plans of his enemies. Being encamped 
at no great distance from the royal quarters, he made a forced 
march at daybreak, when the bulk of the imperial army had 
crossed the river, and finding little opposition, rushed to tho 
emperor's tent and at once made him prisoner. 

Noor-mahal was not likely to remain an idle witness of her 
husband's captivity ; and although Mohabet evidently intended 
the seizure to serve to secure his own safety, she at once made 
an attempt at his rescue by open force. This was frustrated 
by the vigilance of Mohabet ; but an after effort, carefully 
planned and executed, met with better success, and the monarch, 
once more found himself safe among his own troops. 

A reconciliation with Mohabet then took place, and he was 
put at the head of an army to march against Shah Jehan,' who 
still continued in open revolt in t^e south. Instead of attack-? 
ing that prince, the old general came to terms with him, and 
their forces united in the Deccan against their mutual enemy 
Noor-mahal.* 

Meanwhile (a. d. 1627) Jehan-Ghir had proceeded to Cash- 
mere to enjoy the bracing air of that mountain country, and 
whilst there was seized with an attack of asthma, from which 
he had been previously a sufferer, and which at once assumed 
an alarming character. His physicians ordered an immediate 
removal to a warmer climate ; and as a last hope he was con- 
veyed toward Lahore, but expired before he had been many 
days on the road, in the sixtieth year of his age and the twenty- 
second of his reign. 

Noor-mahal in vain attempted to assert the claims of her 
favorite, Sheriar, to the throne. No sooner did Shah Jehan 
receive tidings of the emperor's death than he marched with 
all speed to Agpo, accompanied by Mohabet, and there caused 
himself to be proclaimed. Sheriar was defeated and slain ; 
Noor-mahal retired into private life with a yearly allowance of 
a million and a quarter of dollars; and the new sovereign found 
himself in quiet possession of the throne. 

♦ Gladwin's Memoirs of Jehan-Gbir. 



106 BRITISH INDIA. 

The emperor soon gave evidence of his love for splendor 
R.Ti,d magnificent buildings by the costly and beantiful public 
works he began to erect, and the festivals he held on the anni- 
versary of his accession, which were marked by a profusion 
unknown even in those days of oriental luxury. This first 
annual celebration is said to have cost him nearly ten millions 
of dollars. 

Amidst all this enjoyment, troubles were in preparation in 
more than one part of his vast empire. Cabul was invaded by 
a strong party of Uzbecs, who, however, were soon driven 
back with heavy loss. In the Deccan a formidable opponent 
sprung up in the person of Khan Jehan Lodi, an Afghan 
general, who had distinguished himself under Jehan-Ghir, but 
who proved an unruly and troublesome adherent. He allied 
himself with the King of Ahmednagar, and prepared to invade 
the Deccan territories of the emperor, who at once took the 
field with a powerful armament. 

Khan Jehan, unable to cope with the superior force brought 
against him, retired to the most inaccessible districts of the 
country, and for a long time evaded the pursuit of the impe- 
rialists, but was at length compelled to fly to Bijapoor, where 
he hoped to receiveassistance. Disappointed in this expecta- 
tion, he endeavored to reach the northern frontiers, but was 
cut off in Bundelcund. 

The Deccan was still unsubdued ; and although the war was 
prosecuted with unabated vigor for several years, and Ahmed- 
nager and the Nizam's territories were soon overrun, Bijapoor 
offered a bold and determined resistance, and it was not until 
A. D. 1636 that terms were finally settled with the king of that 
country, who agreed to pay an annual tribute to the emperor. 
In the following year Shah Jehan returned to his capital ; not, 
however, to quiet enjoyment, for other occupations awaited 
him. 

Candahar being made over to him by the governor of that 
country, Shah Jehan seized the opportunity of dissensions 
among the chiefs of Balkh to invade that country with an army 
chiefly composed of Rajpoots, under the command of Prince 



THE MOHAMMEDAN PERIOD. 107 

Morad, his second son. Success attended most of these 
operations ; but the inclemency of the seasons and the want of 
6U})plies caused more distress than the arms of their enemies, 
and eventually led to the evacuation of the country, after a 
lavish expenditure of life and money. 

Candahar, the possession of which was disputed by the 
Afghan and Persian forces, was invaded in three successire 
years ; twice by Aurungzebe, the younger of the princes, and 
lastly by Dara, the eldest brother; but each time with ill 
fortune. 

During the interval of peace which followed thes^. enter- 
prises. Shah Jehan found the means of completing the entire 
survey of his vast dominions, preparatory to reassessing the 
lands for revenue purposes ; this task, it is said, had occupied 
his attention for a period of twenty years.* 

Other less tranquil occupations awaited the monarch in the 
south. The Deccan, which had never been effectually settled, 
gave unmistakable signs of approaching disturbances. A 
difference between the King of Golconda and his vizier formed 
a pretext for the interference of the emperor, who dispatched 
Aurungzebe against the king ; and the young prince, partly 
by artifice, partly by force, managed to seize on Hydrabad ; 
and finally to dictate most severe terms to his opponent, the 
chief feature of which was the payment of five millions of dollars 
in cash into the emperor's treasury. 

It was about this period that a race of men but little known* 
and only casually mentioned by one of the Mohammedan his- 
torians, began to attract some small degree of attention in 
their immediate neighborhood ; and by degrees so to strengthen 
their position in the Deccan, that at a later period they rose to 
sufficient Importance, not only to affect the destinies of the 
Mohammedan rulers of India, but at one time to cause serious 
uneasiness to the British government of that country. 

The existence of the Mahrattas was noticed by Ferishta as 
early as a d. 1485 ;t but until the period at which we are now 

» Duff's History of the Mahrattae, p. 128» 
f Elphinstone's India, vol. ii. p. 467. 



108 BRITISHINDIA. 

arriving, they had not been recognized as a distinct people. 
We have no certain data as regards their origin, which they 
themselves boasted was from the Rajpoots, and which may 
possibly have been the Cise with one or two of their chief 
families. Bat there was nothing in common between these two 
races. Whilst the Mahrattas were in person small and sinewy, 
and in their character crafty, persevering, and enduring, tho 
Rajpoots were of a noble and commanding figure, proud but 
open in nature, indolent but brave. 

They had located themselves in a tract of mountain country 
situated above the high lands of the v/estern ghauts of the 
Deccan, in the immediate vicinity of the states of Golconda, 
and forming the most inaccessible portion of the Bijapoor 
territories. Their chiefs had by degrees established themselves 
in the confidence of the local government ; and many of them 
were appointed to offices of trust in the villages and districts ; 
many held inferior commands in the Bijapoor army ; whilst 
others were entrusted with the custody of hill forts and revenue 
stations. 

Sevaji, the founder of the Mahratta dynasty in the Deccan, 
was born a. d. 1627 ; and at the period of which we are now 
treating was, although scarcely eighteen years of age, admitted 
by his father, Shahji Boola, to the joint management of his 
jagir, or collectorate, at Poona. Whilst in the exercise of 
these duties, he found ample opportunities of gratifying his 
love of a wandering, romantic life ; and it is even said he not 
unfrequently took a part in the depredations of the lawless 
tribes who frequented the hilly country in the vicinity. Certain 
it is that he found means to win over the attachment of large 
parties of the Mahratta soldiers, who were doubtless struck by 
the bold daring of their young chief, and only too ready to 
connect themselves with any enterprise calculated to lead to 
their enrichment and independence, however desperate it might 
a})pear. 

Having collected around him a party of his most trusty fol- 
lowers, he contrived by dint of stratagem to obtain possession 
of one or two hill forts, and eventually to seize on the revenues 



THE MOHAMMEDAN^ERIOD. 109 

of his father's jagir. This success emboldened Sevaji so far as 
to lead him to open revolt against the authority of the king of 
Bijapoor. The whole of the hill forts of the gliauts, and next 
the northern Concan, fell into his hands ; and the treasure of 
which he became possessed by these exploits enabled him to 
augment his forces and place them on a footing of respecta- 
bility. 

Matters were in this state with the young Mahratta chief 
when Aurungzebe invaded Golconda ; and Sevaji, profiting by 
the opportunity thus afforded him by the prospect of a tedious 
war, ventured to enter the imperial territories ; and attacking 
the town of Juner when unprepared for defense, obtained pos- 
session of it, and carried off considerable booty.* This daring 
act was subsequently overlooked, if not forgiven, by Aurung- 
zebe, who was just then called away by his father's illness to 
take part in proceedings of a more important nature than the 
chastisement of a lawless freebooter; and Sevaji thus found 
himself at liberty to carry out his plans of aggrandizement at 
the expense of the Bijapoor sovereign. 

In the year following the Golconda affair (a. d. 165*7) an 
expedition against Bijapoor, although successful, was brought 
to a sudden termination in consequence of the dangerous illness 
of the emperor at Agra. The eldest prince and heir to the 
throne, Dara Shako, was with his father, and had long wielded 
the powers of the crown ; but so soon as intelligence of the 
sovereign's danger reached the younger sons, Morad and 
Aurungzebe, they instantly made common cause, and set out 
together for the capital at the head of 35,000 horse. Dara 
opposed them with an army greatly superior in numbers, but 
not so in discipline and valor. In the battle which followed, 
one day's march from Agra, all the princes distinguished them 
selves in a manner worthy of a nobler cause. Dara was, how- 
ever, defeated, and fled in the direction of Delhi with 2000 
followers. The immediate consequences of this decisive en- 
gagement were the imprisonment of Morad in the strong fort 

• Elphinstone's India, vol. ii. p. 466. 

10 



110 BRITISH INDIA. 

of Gwalior, the confinement of Shah Jehin to his palace at 
Agra, and the proclamation of Aurungzebe as emperor. The 
deposed monarch lived for fully seven years after this event in 
indifferent health, and possibly not loath to be saved the 
labors of government, though he would doubtless have pre- 
ferred that his eldest and favorite son Dara should have held 
the reins of power. 

Thus ended the rule of Shah Jehan, a prince who had reigned- 
thirty years, the greater part of which was spent in wars and 
various niilitary expeditions. Whatever fault is to be found 
with him before he came to the throne, his after conduct merits 
unqualified' praise as regards his duty to his subjects, and hia 
liberality accompanied by wise economy. The revenues of his 
kingdom must have been enormous ; for with all his profuse 
expenditure in gorgeous spectacles and public works, not less 
than his many costly wars, he managed to accumulate in his 
treasury a sum in coin amounting to one hundred and twenty 
millions of dollars, besides a vast heap of jewels and gold orna- 
ments and vessels. His famous peacock-throne is said to have 
cost thirty-two and a half millions of dollars, and was one 
blazing mass of diamonds, rubies, emeralds, and sapphires, 
representing the plumage of a peacock in its natural colors. 

The city of Delhi was rebuilt by him in a style of surpassing 
splendor and of great extent. But the most celebrated work 
of this monarch was unquestionably the Tuj Mahal, a magnifi- 
cent mausoleum of white marble and mosaic work at Agra, the 
delicacy and richness of which has ever drawn forth the admi- 
ration of all beholders.* The beautiful mosaic work so pro- 
fusely and elaborately scattered over this sepulchre is believed 
to have been the work of Italian artists. 

Judged by the standard of Asiatic sovereigns in his days, 
Shah Jehan must be awarded a high rank amongst the rulers 
of the East; whether we regard him in his military or civil 
capacity. Both European travelers and Oriental historians 
agree in one general commendation of his character as a vvar- 

* Taj Mahal is a corruption of Mumtaj Mahal, the name of Shah-Jehan'a 
queeu, whose sepulchre it forms. — Elphinstone'e India. 



THE M O II A M xM E D A N PERIOD. 



ii: 



rior, a ruler, and a lawgiver. At no time had the Tartar em- 
pire in India been more frequently and seriousl}^ threatened by 
external enemies ; and yet it would be difficult to point to a 
period when those dominions were mote consolidated, more 
secure within themselves, or when the revenues were more 
thriving, or the laws more promptly and equitably administered. 
It is no small praise to tell of this monarch, that although the 
magnificence of his public festivals, the splendor of his daily 
court, and the lavish outlay he incurred in vast public under- 
takings, were such as had scarcely had a parallel in the reigns 
of any of his race, they were followed by no harsh or unusual 
exactions from his subjects, who were, on the whole, more 
lightly burdened than any of their ancestors. 




ftOt WILLIAM JOKW. 




CHAPTER lY. 

rUCM THE PROCLAMATION OP AURUNGZEBE TO THE PALL Of 
THE TARTAR DYNASTY. A. D. 1659-1*165. 

O'f his assumption of the imperial dignity, Aurungzebe took 
the title of Alamgbir, by which he is still known amongst 
Asiatics, although his former name continues to be used by 
Europeans. 

The new emperor did not find himself in quiet possession of 
liis father's throne. Dara, his eider brother, although a fugitive 
in Lahore, had still many adherents amongst the Hindoo chiefs 
and Rajpoots, the more so as it was known that he was favored 
by his father. Another adversary came forward in the person 
of Soliman, Dara's son, who, aided by Rajah Jei Sing and 
Dilir Khan, marched to meet Aurungzebe at the head of a 
stioug force. Treachery, however, overcame the young prince, 
and he soon afterward found himself a prisoner in the hands 
of a petty chief. 

The emperor's pursuit of Dara, who now moved toward 
Scinde, was diverted by news of the advance of another of the 
royal brothers, Shuja, who, as governor of Bengal, had found 
means to raise a considerable force of cavalry and artillery, and 
was then marching toward Allahabad to dispute his brother's 
(112) 




^/W/. 



AURUNGZEBE. 



10* 



THE MOHAMMEDAN PERIOD. 115 

Bupreraacy. The two armies met at no great distance from 
this city ; and after lying close to each other for some days, a 
decisive engagement followed, in which Shuja was defeated 
with the total loss of his army. 

It was in vain that the unsuccessful prince endeavored to re- 
trieve his fortunes by further struggles in his own province. 
The imperial army under Prince Sultan drove him from post 
to post, until at length, being hard pressed at Dacca, he fled 
with a few followers to the Kajah of Arracan, in whose terri- 
tories he appears afterward to have lost his life.* 

The after career of Dara and his family was one of successive 
defeats, desertions by adherents, and flights from province to 
province, ending in his capture and ultimate death at Delhi. 
It was during these reverses that the traveler Bernier en- 
countered the fugitive prince and his family near Ahmedabad, 
and spent some days with them, as related by himself in his 
published travels. 

Not long after this occurrence, Aurungzebe, under various 
pretenses, contrived to dispatch his brother Morad and his 
Bon, as also the two sons of Dara, all of whom had been im- 
prisoned by him in fortresses in Gwalior. 

Freed from all claimants to his usurped throne, the monarch 
looked around him for the means of employing his large army, 
and the energies of his vizier Meer Jumla, who might, if re- 
maining idle, be tempted to projects inimical to the peace of 
the empire. 

The rich country of Assam offered a tempting bait to his 
ambition ; and thither the old general was dispatched at the 
head of an army whose strength defied all opposition. In a 
few months the country was overrun, and the capital in the 
hands of the invading army ; and it appeared to the mind of 
Aurungzebe that it would require but his instructions to 
enable his victorious troops to march forward and obtain pos 
session of the Celestial Empire. 

Before these ambitious plans couW be attempted, the wit'.uir 

* ElpMnstoue's ludia^ yol. n. p. ^19 



116 BRITISH INDIJL. 

season began. The troops, cut off all supplies by the artificei 
of the natives, and exposed to the rigors of an unusually severe 
monsoon, began to suffer from want of food and proper shelter. 
Unac3ustomed to such rigorous weather as they found theui* 
selves exposed to in an enemy's country, many fell victims to 
disease ; and finally the army, which had defied the utmost 
efforts of powerful antagonists, was driven back to its own 
territories by the attacks of the elements. The commander, 
Meer Jumla, died before reaching Dacca, a victim to the 
rigorous season and the unceasing hardships he had endured 
for many months. 

About this period Aurungzebe was attacked with an illness 
©f such a severe character as at one time to place his life in 
great jeopardy. This was the signal for many intrigues 
amongst his chief adherents, some of whom looked to Shah 
Jehan, the deposed monarch, who still lingered out his days in 
regal confinement ; others brought forward the claims of Akber, 
third son of Aurungzebe, who was already a great favorite 
amongst the army.* But the emperor, having notice of these 
designs, ordered steps to be taken which effectually prevented 
them from being carried into execution. He soon afterward 
rallied, and sought repose and renovated health in the cool 
valleys of Cashmere. 

Whilst absent on the northern frontiers of his dominions, 
events were occurring in the Deccan which were destined at no 
remote period to afford full occupation for his activity and 
talents. Sevaji, the Mahratta chief, from some cause not ex- 
plained, bad thought fit to break the alliance he had formed 
with the emperor, and commenced a series of attacks upon the 
forts in the vicinity of Aurangabad, besides ravaging the towns 
in the plains. This drew upon him the chastisement of the 
imperial viceroy of the Deccan, who, notwithstanding the 
daring opposition and unflinching valor of the Mahratta troops, 
contrived to drive them back to their own fortresses. 

A successful raid into Surat, when that town was completely 

• Bernler* 



THE MOHAMMEDAN PERIOD. ItT 

Backed by the troops of Sevaji, and shortly afterward th<j as- 
Bumption by that chief of the title of rajah, and the act of coin- 
ing money bearing his own effigy, were the means of bringing 
against this troublesome vassal a greatly increased force of im- 
perialists under the command of Rnjah Jei Sing. Sevaji, shut 
up in his hill-forts and closely besieged by the royal army, 
found himself compelled to make submission to the emperor, 
oljondon the greater part of his fortified posts, and hold the 
romaindor under the authority of that monarch. 

For a time the Mahratta chief served in the Delhi array 
against his old opponents of Bijapoor, and earned hitrb f^ovn^ 
meudation from Aurungzebe ; but subsequently, on Sevaji pr<* 
senting himself at the court of the emperor by invitation, his 
reception was so cold and even humiliating, that he deter- 
mined on breaking with his superior ; and having found means 
to elude the close surveillance kept over him at Delhi, effected 
his escape to his own territories by means of careful disguises. 

In this year (a. d. 1666) died Shah Jehan, after an imprison- 
ment of seven years in the citadel-palace of Agra, during which 
time he appears to have remained master of his own acts withia 
the limits prescribed to him. 

Fortune seemed to smile on the emperor in all his under- 
takings up to this period. Little Thibet on the north, and 
Chittagong on the east, were added to his dominions, and 
neighboring potentates courted his friendship and alliance. 

The Deccan, however, continued to baffle the efforts of every 
commander sent against it ; and Sevaji, once more among his 
old followers, proved as formidable a foe as he had before been 
useful as an ally. He did not rely on his arms alone, but suc- 
ceeded so far with presents to the imperial general, as iji the 
end to prevail on the emperor to grant him peace on most 
favorable terms. 

Bijapoor and Golconda, both wearied of protracted strugglcSi 
were too glad to purchase a respite at the hands of the Mah- 
ratta by a large payment of money ; and Sevaji, left thus la 
quiet possession of his t( rritories and bill-forts, turned his sol« 



118 BRITISH INDIA. 

attention to strengthening his position and regulatii g the in- 
ternal affairs of his little kingdom. 

This tranquillity proved but a teraporary lull, and two years 
dfter the conclnsion of the late hostilities, Aurungzebe broke 
the treaty by an open attempt to seize the person of SevajL 
This led to the recovery by the Mahrattas of many important 
posts from the emperor, and also their overrunning the states 
of Surat and Candeish. 

Although the imperial army far outnumbered that of the 
Mahratta chief, the wamt of unanimity amongst them, the 
aanng attacks of Sevaji, and the vaccillating conduct and con- 
einued jealousy of Aurungzebe in regard to his various generals, 
contributed to procrastinate the war in the Deccan until his 
attention was called to another quarter. 

A war had been carried on for some time with one or two 
of the Afghan tribes under the direction of a son of the cele- 
brated Meer Jumla. The success which at first attended the 
imperial arms was finally converted into severe defeats ; and 
just at this time, A. D. 1672, the emperor determined to attend 
personally to the prosecution of the war. 

His presence in the north appeared to serve his cause but 
little, and after several campaigns of more than doubtful results, 
he returned to Delhi, having come to some sort of arrangement 
with the refractory tribes. 

The attachment of his Hindoo subjects was severely tried 
after his return from the north-west provinces by a variety of 
edicts and regulations of an extremely harsh and oppressive 
character. 

Amongst other orders, he determined that none but Moham- 
medans should be employed in any office of trust under the 
government. Yarious taxes were increased that bore especially 
on the cultivators of the soil ; and the most obnoxious of al. 
Imposts, the jezzia, or poll-tax on infidels, was reinstituted, 
much to the dissatisfaction of all classes save the Moham- 
medans. 

These and some personal disputes led the Rajpoots of western 
Rajpootana to combine against the authority of the emperor, 



THE MOHAMMEDAN PERIOD. 119 

«nd \?3 accordingly find a considerable army sent against 
thera. Peace was temporarily made, but finally broken, and a 
still larger force detached against the Rajpoots. Fire and 
sword were carried through their territories, and their families 
made prisoners, but in vain. The brave Rajpoots defended 
their hill-fortresses with unflinching obstinacy; and being after- 
Mi ard joined by Prince Akbar with a strong body of his ad- 
herents, they hazarded a meeting with the royal army in the 
plains. Treachery, however, was employed against them, and 
finding themselves exposed by this means to far superior 
numbers, they fled from the field ; Akbar and the Rajpoot 
Rana sought refuge in the Deccan with the Mahrattas. Other 
Rajpoot chiefs, however, remained to dispute the possession 
of their territories with the imperial troops ; and though they 
did not succeed in driving them out, they so continually 
harassed and cut them up as to keep them in a constant state 
of alarm. 

Once more the emperor turned his arms toward the Deccan, 
and a variety of encounters took place, most usually to the 
advantage of the Mahrattas. Sevaji had just at this time made 
an incursion on the southern states of the peninsula, and had 
succeeded in annexing a considerable part of the Mysore Jagir 
to his territories. Continued invasions of the imperialists 
called hira again to the north, and he was engaged in repelling 
their attacks when a sudden illness carried him off in the fifty- 
third year of his age. (a. d. 1680.) 

Sambaji succeeded to his father's authority, but to none of 
his good qualities, and almost the first days of his rule were 
disgraced by acts of wanton cruelty to some members of his 
family. 

The conduct of the new chief toward his subjects was not 
less impolitic than it was cruel to his relations. New taxes 
were levied, the revenues of the country were squandered, his 
father's chief advisers were neglected, and most of his troops 
were left greatly in arrears of pay. 

These grounds of complaint, added to the appearance of the 
fugitive Akbar in the Mahratta territories, induced some of the 



J 20 BRITISH INDIA. 

most disaffected to make overtures to that prince to give the 
sanction of his name to the pretensions of a half-brother of 
Sambaji, one Rajah Ram. The plot was, however, discovered 
and frustrated ; and Sambaji, to find employment for his people, 
led them against the Abyssinians of Jingera, and engaged 
soon afterward in hostilities with the Portuguese, who had 
settled on the same coast. 

v\. more formidable enemy, however, now (a. D. 1683) made 
his appearance in the person of the emperor, who, having 
settled his affairs with the Rajpoots, found leisure to turn his 
attention once more to the Deccan. 

The two following years did little to bring matters to a set- 
tlement, though causing great suffering and loss on both sides. 
Sambaji ravaged part of Gujerat, whilst the imperial forcea 
were engaged in the south ; and although he found himself un- 
able to cope with the large force brought against himself and 
his allies, he contrived by a continued succession of sorties from 
his mountain fortresses, to cut off the supplies and embarrass 
the movements of the invading army. 

These efforts did not prevent the imperial forces from laying 
close seige to the capital of Bijapoor, which eventually capitu- 
lated, and being dismantled, was never afterward capable of 
affording shelter to troops. The subjugation of the kingdom 
of Golconda followed ; and shortly afterward the Rajah of the 
Mahrattas fell into the power of the emperor, and was beheaded 
in prison. 

The country was, however, as far from being subdued as 
ever. Sambaji's brother assumed the command of the Mah- 
ratta forces, who, following the practice of previous campaigns, 
harassed the enemy in every possible way without exposing 
themselves to any serious danger. Larger armies were brought 
into the field, and endeavored by attacking the foe on various 
sides to distract their attention and weaken their resistance. 
But the nature of the country was against these vast bodies of 
troops, whose supplies had to be collected from a great dis- 
tance and at a heavy expense. It was in vain that Aurung- 
zebe with untiring perseverance took the field himself, and 



THE MOHAMMEDAN PERIOD. 121 

personally sviperintended the siege of some of the most im- 
portant strongholds of the Mahrattas, It seemed a fruitless 
task to capture fort after fort and city after city, whilst the 
enemy lurked as bold and as unsubdued as ever amongst their 
hills and thickets. 

More than ten years were thus spent by the emperor, at the 
end of which time his prospects appeared less hopeful thau 
when he commenced. The heavy drain upon his resources 
caused by this most costly warfare, and the defalcation of some 
portions of his territorial revenues, gave him much uneasiness, 
and before long embarrassed his movements. His troops began 
to clamor for their arrears of pay, which it was not in hit 
power to give them ; angry expostulation and many defections 
were thv consequence ; and to crown all, a very severe fall of 
rain flooded his encampments, and caused the loss of much of 
his stores and baggage, and of some thousands of his troops. 

Hard pressed on all sides and in all ways, the emperor would 
now have gladly listened to any terms for an accommodation 
of matters ; but the Mahrattas, conscious of the growing weak- 
ness of their-opponents, were so unreasonable in their expecta- 
tions, that Aurungzebe felt himself compelled to break off all 
negotiations. Finding it impossible any longer to maintain 
his large force in such a country and under so many serious 
disadvantages, and himself being worn out by fatigue and 
annoyed by financial embarrassments, he at length ordered a 
retreat to Ahmednagar, and considered himself fortunate in 
arriving safely within that city, with the loss of a considerable 
portion of his once proud and invincible army.* 

It soon became evident that the days of Aurungzebe were 
numbered. He seems, indeed, to have felt a strong persuasion 
that his end was not remote, from the day that he entered this 
his last earthly resting-place ; and his letters, many of which 
are still extant, serve to show the state of his body and mind. 

Ever suspicious of all about him, his jealousy seeued in- 
creased as the prospect of his death drew near ; and his utmost 



* Duff's HiBtory of the Mahrattas, vol. i. p. 409. 
11 



122 BRITISH INDIA. 

efforts were employed to foil any possible plotting on the part 
of his sons. In his last moments he dictated several letters to 
these princes, whom lie had studiously kept at a distance from 
him, which, whilst they contain much useful admonition and 
ftdvice for the future, show not less his own remorse for the 
past.* He drew up a will a short time previous to his death, 
in which he expressed a wish that his sons should divide the 
empire amongst them ; the eldest, Moazzim, taking the north- 
ern, and Azim the southern districts ; whilst the youngest, 
Cambakhsh, was to have the kingdoms of Golconda and Bija- 
poor. This appears to have been his last act. He soon after 
ward expired, amidst many pan^s of remorse and great terror 
of the future, in the fiftieth year of his reign and the eigl'.vj- 
nintL of his life. 

Thus departed one of the greatest and least happy of the 
Tartar monarchs who had ruled in the East. Possessing 
bodily and mental faculties inferior to none of his predecessors, 
and superior to most of them, he was yet singularly unfortunate 
in his own personal career, not less than in his rule over his 
many subjects and his undertakings against foreign and tribu- 
tary states. The hollow hypocrisy of his nature, and his nar- 
row-minded policy, did far more to estrange the hearts of hia 
friends and a great portion of his subjects, than any acts of opeu 
cruelty or decided oppression. f 

It was during the reign of this monarch that the British 
East India Company's servants, by the determination with 
which, on several occasions, they attacked and defeated the 
Portuguese, and other enemies of the empire, first laid the 
foundation of their political power, which at no very distant 
date was destined to spread, and at length overshadow the 
Tartar dynasty. 

Confined within the limits of the old native towns of Cal 
iutta, Madras, and Surat, with the island of Bombay, the 
English traders acting for the East India Company had 
scarcely attracted the attention of any eastern government. 

• Elphinstone's India, vol. ii. p. 549. f Ibid. vol. iL p. 663, 



THE MOHAMMEDAN PERIOD. 123 

The embassies which had been at various times dispatched from 
Britain to the court of Delhi had been received with marks of 
favor bordering upon patronage ; and there appeared no jealousy 
on the par: of any of the sovereigns with regard to the unos- 
tentatious establishments of these European factors. 

British influence in the East had far more to fear from the 
power and jealousy of the Dutch, who had not long succeeded 
in wresting from the Portuguese a great part of their possessions 
and trade in the eastern seas ; and who ^^eemed determined, if 
possible, to close the commerce of Inoia against their British 
competitors. Nor were these the only obstacles to the prog- 
ress and prosperity of the Company. Internal mismanagement, 
and incompetency and tyranny on the part of one or two of the 
governors of their settlements, tended to prostrate the energies 
of those who served them faithfully, and at one time jeopardized 
the very existence of the association. 

The rash conduct of Sir John Child, governor of Bombay, 
brought against that small settlement the arms of Aurungzebe, 
who would unquestionably have reduced the place, but for tb^ 
^Vnely death of the incompetent commander, upon which tne 
emperor agreed to a treaty on very moderate terms. 

At the period of which we are now detailing the events 
(a. D. 1707), a new chartered Company was established in 
London for the purpose of trading to the East, and before long 
the two had merged in one body, much to the advantage ol 
both. The Court of Directors became better constituted as a 
governing body, their powers were more clearly defined, and 
new vigor and life seemed infused into all branches of their 
service, which before long bore fruitful results in the operations 
carried on with the distant settlements. 

But to return to the affairs of the empire. The injunctions 
of Aurungzebe regarding the succession were altogether uu 
heeded by his sons. Whilst Moazzim was proclaimed emperor 
of all India at Cabul, under the title of Bahadur Shah, his 
brother Azim took the same step at Agra, whither he returned 
so soon as he received tidings of his father's death. Both of 
these made preparations to assert their claims to the throne by 



124 BRITISH INDIA. 

force of arms. A battle was the consequence, in which Azim 
and his two sons fell, leaving Behadur Shah in possession of 
the field and the crown. 

Prince Cambakhsh, the youngest of the two brothers, being 
indisposed to admit the claims of the new emperor, was attacked 
near Hyderabad, his army utterly routed, and himself mortally 
wounded. This event left Behadur without a rival, and he at 
once gave his attention to the troubles of the Deccan, where 
the succession to the command of the Mahrattas was being dis- 
puted by the nephew and the guardians of the infant son of the 
late rajah. These disputes were shortly afterward arranged, 
as were also the imperial differences with the Rajpoots, who 
now gladly accepted the overtures of the sovereign. 

Bahadur Shah was well disposed to conclude these matters, 
as the Seikhs were giving his governors in the north more 
occupation than they could well undertake ; and he accordingly 
marched to the Punjab, resolved to put down the rebellious 
outbreak with a strong and determined hand. He was not 
long in forcing these rude warriors within their own territories, 
and eventually succeeded in cap.-iing their strongest forte-, 
and scattering their forces with considerable loss. 

Returning to Lahore after this undertaking, Behadur Shah 
died after a short illness, in the seventy-first year of his age^ 
having reigned five years. 

No sooner had the emperor breathed his last, than his four 
sons strove for the mastery. Battles were fought, negotia- 
tions were set on foot, and every artifice and effort employed to 
strengthen the cause of the various claimants ; but in the end 
Jehander Shah, the eldest, succeeded in defeating his brothers, 
and for the time securing possession of the throne. 

The contemptible character of this monarch (a. D. 1712) 
soon estranged the affections of the nobility and the people 
from him ; and there is every reason to believe that open re- 
volt would have been the result, but for an event which at that 
moment took place. This was the appearance of a rival candi- 
date for the crown, in the person of Farokhsir, the emperor'i 
nephew, who asserabl^'d an army at Allahabad, repelled one or 



THE MOHAMMEDAN PERIOD 125 

two detachments sent against him, and finally roiited the troops 
of Jehander near Agra so completely, that the monarch was 
forced to fly to Delhi in disguise. He was there seized by his 
late vizier, and delivered up to Farokhsir, who, in putting the 
fallen sovereign to death, meted the same end to his traitorous 
minister. 

The eiTipire had gained but little by the change of sovereign?. 
Farokhsir was not less contemptible than his predecessor, 
^ough with the additional vices of cruelty and jealousy. He 
intrigued to secure the death of Hosen AH, one of his most 
able and active supporters, whom, he had found himself com- 
pelled against his will to make commander-in-chief of his forces. 
The plot failed, and the intended victim of his master's jealousy 
proceeded on his expedition against the Mahrattas in the 
Deccan. 

The reputation of this general suffered in the campaigns 
which ensued. The Mahrattas followed up their old tactics 
with so much perseverance, as in the end to baffle the utmost 
endeavors of Hosen Ali to bring them to a decisive engage- 
ment ; and he was eventually glad to compromise matters by 
several concessions, which, however, Farokhsir, refused to 
ratify. 

This led to a misunderstanding between the monarch and his 
general, and subsequently to a difference with the vizier, the 
brothel 3f the latter. Farokhsir, with all the desire, but none 
of the determination needed to rid himself of these powerful 
and able men, began to plot against them, though in such an 
unskillful and undecided manner as served but to expose his 
own imbecility and fears ; and at the same time thoroughl) 
to disgust and alienate those who would have seconded Ms 
views* 

The immediate result of these weak and futile attempts on 
the part of the emperor was the march of Hosen Ali to the 
capital at the head of an army devoted to his service. After 
some treating with the weak-minded sovereign, and a rising 
rt the inhabitants of the city against Hosen's followers, the 

* Elphin&tone, vol. i. p. 581. 
11* 



126 BRITISH INDIA. 

brothers formally took possession of the citadel, seized tho 
person of the emperor, and quietly put him to death after an 
inglorious reign of six years. 

Upon the deposition of Farokhsir, two young princes of the 
royal family were successively elevated to the throne, each of 
them living but a few months. Subsequently the vizier and his 
brother raised to the imperial dignity another prmce named 
Honshu Akhter, who was declared emperor under the title of 
Mohammed Shah. 

From the commencement of this reign (a. D. 1119) there 
were not wanting unmistakable signs of the approaching de- 
cline and fall of the Tartar dynasty in India. The overbearing 
conduct of the vizier and his brother, coupled with the disgust 
created by the knowledge of the means by which Farokhsir 
had met his death, tended to estrange the minds of the people 
from the ruling powers, who, besides, gave evidence of their 
own weakness by continued disagreements.* 

Insurrections took place at Allahabad, and other large 
cities, as well as in the southern division of the Punjab, which 
occupied the imperial forces for some time. 

It was during the rule of this monarch that an embassy was 
dispatched from Calcutta to the court at Delhi, by the Com- 
pany's servants, with the view of obtaining some further grants 
of territory and greater privileges than they then enjoyed. The 
emperor received the British officials with some show of favor ; 
but through the secret influence of his vizier, who was also 
governor of Bengal, and extremely jealous of the European 
settlers, matters appeared for some time likely to result far 
from satisfactorily to the embassy. Fortunately for the En- 
jilish, the emperor was seized with a dangerous illness, which 
Laffled the skill of the royal physicians; and in the hour of need 
recourse was had to the aid of the medical officer attached to 
the embassy, who succeeded in restoring his imperial patient 
to health in a short period. This led to a concession of all the 
demands of the British, who returned to Calcutta well satisfied 
with the results of their journey to Delhi. 

* Elpbinstone, vol. ii. p. 584. 



THE MOHAMMEDAN PERIOD. 127 

Amonji^st other turbulent proceedings wbicli ngitated the 
empire, was the conduct of Asof Juh, governor of Malwa, who, 
under various preterjses, managed to raise a considerable body 
of troops, at the head of which he marched toward the Deccau, 
and encountering detachments of the royal army, routed them, 
and established himself, by the co-operation of the Mahrattas, 
in possession of a large tract of that country. 

To oppose this formidable chief, Hosen Ali marched toward 
the south, taking care that the emperor accompanied him, in 
order to prevent plots during his absence. Mohammed, dis- 
gusted with the state of servitude under which he lived under 
the rule of the brothers, and eager to be rid of them, fell into 
a plan for the assassination of Hosen, which took place not far 
from the royal tent. This led to the revolt of Abdallah, the 
▼izier, who was, however, soon afterward defeated and made 
prisoner, surviving his reverses but a short time. 

These occurrences were followed by the appointment of 
Asof Jah to the viziership. This austere and ambitious man, 
however willing. he may have b^een to aid in the government 
of the empire, was soon disgusted with the frivolous life of 
Mohammed and the little regard paid to himself. At the end 
of the first year of his tenure of office he threw up the vizier- 
ship and withdrew to the Deccan, where it at once became 
apparent that his design was to render himself independent of 
the imperial authority. 

Establishing himself at Hydrabad (a. d. 1723), Asof took 
immediate steps to secure the possession of the states around 
him, and at the same time to turn the Mahratta power to his 
own advantage by directing against the empire the arms of 
that restless people. Saho was at this time the dominant 
rajah of the tribe ; whilst another claimant, Samba, held him 
self prepared for any opportunity which might offer of asserting 
his rights, real or pretended. By playing one of these against 
the other, Asof contrived to strengthen his own hands, and at 
last induced Saho to agree to a treaty, by which he undertook 
to invade the imperial territories. 

At this period (a. d. 1731) we first hear mentioned the names 



128 BRITISH INDIA. 

of Holkar and Sindia, afterward so famous in eastern history 
The ancestors of these noted chiefs were, at the time of which 
we are now treating, the former a shepherd, on the Nira, south 
of Poonah, the latter, tliough of a good family near Sattara, in 
such reduced circumstances as to be serving as the domestic of 
a Mahratta general. 

The events of the succeeding half dozen years (a. d. 1737; 
may be comprised in a few sentences, no occurrences being of 
sufficient importance to deserve separate notice On all sides 
the Mahrattas continued to make encroachments, adding to 
their territories as occasion offered, seldom with any real oppo- 
sition, never with any that was effectual. The empire was 
yearly becoming weaker, and required but some sudden or 
violent shock to cause its total dismemberment. 

Meanwhile the possessions and influence of the European 
settlers throughout India had been gradully extending. The 
French had appeared on the scene, and their naval force, under 
the command of the brave Labourdonnais, acted so effectually 
against the fleet of the British, as for a time to cripple most 
seriously the operations of the latter. Peace being restored be- 
tween the two nations, they still continued their operations 
against various native states on one pretext or the other. The 
governor of Madras took up the cause of a deposed rajah of 
Tanjore, and marched a body of troops into those territories to 
assert his rights, without, however, carrying out any real 'or 
permanent object. It was during these operations that the since 
renowned Clive, then a young lieutenant, took the field for the 
first time, and in his earliest action gave evidence of that cool 
valor and sound judgment which before long earned for him a 
world-wide reputation. 

The troubles of the Deccan (a. d. 1739) and the frivolities 
of his own court, had so occupied the attention of the emperor 
that no heed had been given to the movement of the ambitious 
monarch of Persia, Nadir Shah, who having left his kingdom 
at the head of a brave and well-disciplined army, conquered a 
great part of the Afghan territories, and was already turning 
his attention to India, where he well knew a sure victory and 




NADIR SHAH. 



(129) 



THE MOHAMMEDAN 1»ERI0D. ISi 

rich booty awaited liim. He did not wait long for the pretext 
necessary to give a shadow of justification for crossing the 
Indus, which he did at the close of the year 1138. Mohamratd 
Shah, roused by this intelligence, collected a force but ill cal- 
culated to oppose the veteran army of the invader, though 
aided by the questionable presence of the Nizam of the Deccan. 
Early in the follovfing year a battle was fought at Carnal, 
which resulted in tbe defeat of the imperial array and the sub« 
mission of Mohammed Shah. The emperor was treated with 
great consideration, and permitted to reside unguarded in his 
own quarters. The two monarchs afterward proceeded in 
company to Delhi, where they resided under the same roof.* 

The stay of the Persian monarch at the Indian capital, 
though brief, was marked by rapacity and bloodshed. A tumult 
having arisen in the city, the pretext was afforded the Persian 
troops of an indiscriminate massacre of the inhabitants, which 
lasted for a whole day, the loss of life during which time has 
been variously estimated at from 30,000 to 150,000. 

This was followed by a general plunder of the city, from the 
royal treasury down to the most humble dwelling ; when an in- 
credible amount of coin and jewelry of various sorts appears to 
have been brought together and appropriated by the Persian 
king as payment for the cost of this most unwelcome visit. 

The value of the gold and silver coin thus carried away is 
said to have been forty-five millions of dollars, f whilst the gold 
and silver plate and jewels amounted to quite as much more. 
Besides a great number of the finest horses, elephants, and 
camels, Nadir Shah carried with him several hundreds of the 
most skillful artisans and workers in the precious metals. 

Nadir Shah at length took his .departure from the capital of 
India, after a sojourn of fifty-three days, the memory of which 
outlived the perpetrators of the atrocities committed therein. 
Before quitting Delhi, the king of Persia seated Mohammed 
upon his throne, and with his own hands placed the diadem 
upon the brow of the reinstated emperor, at the same time en- 

* ElpMnstone's India, yol. ii. p. 627. f Scott, toI. ii. p. -218. 



X32 BRITISH INDIA. 

joining the strictest obedience to him from the nobles and 
chiefs assembled about them to witness and partake in th« 
ceremony. 

Freed from the dreaded presence of these powerful invaders, 
the emperor had full opportunity to observe and deplore, with- 
out the power of remedying the misery which threatened him. 
With scarcely the shadow of an army, an exhausted treasury, 
a devastated country, cities in ruins, and surrounded by many 
and designing enemies, the prospect for the future was indeed 
dispiriting. 

The nabobship of the Carnatic being at this time (A.D.n40) 
the subject of contention between two rival candidates, the aid 
of the Mahratta army was called in by one, which very shortly 
settled the question for the moment, and resulted in the im- 
prisonment of the defeated candidate. This interference was 
looked upon with a jealous eye by Asof, or, as he was then more 
generally styled, the Nizam al Moolk, who finally used his in- 
fluence to bestow the rank of nabob of the Carnatic upon one 
of his own connection. The French commandant of Pondi- 
cherry, anxious to obtain a footing with some of the native 
chiefs, used his interest and some money to obtain the libera- 
tion of Chanda Sahib, the deposed nabob, who no sooner 
found himself at liberty than he commenced raising troops and 
sacking such towns and forts as he found uprotected. 

From this date to the year 1748 the troubles in the state of 
Arcot continued to occupy the attention of the nizam, who 
died at that period, at the great age of one hundred years. 
This event, as was almost always the case in eastern govern- 
ments, led to contentions in the family as to his successor, in 
which both the English and French took an interest, according 
as their own advantage might be best served. 

From the time of the departure of Nadir Shah from Delhi 
but few events had occurred within the then prostrate empire. 
The sole exception to this quiescent state of things, were the 
rise of the Rohillas, an Afghan tribe inhabiting a mountain 
tract near Oude, and an invasion of India by an Afghan chief, 
Ahmed Shah 'Durani. The former was put down by the em- 



THE MOHAMMEDAN PERIOD. 133 

pcror in person ; the latter was repelled by the imperial forces 
at Sirhind under Prince Ahmed, though not without a severe 
contest. 

Immediately after this battle, the prince was called off to 
Delhi, by intelligence of his father's dangerous illness, which 
ended fatally a month later. Mohammed Shah had reigned 
twenty-nine years. There was no opposition raised to the 
succession of his son, who was accordingly proclaimed emperor 
under the title of Ahmed Shah. 

One of the new monarch's earliest efforts was directed against 
the Rohillas, who still continued to be troublesome neighbors. 
The vizier, Safder Jang, was sent against them, but was re- 
pulsed ; and finally, driven to extremity, was forced to the 
humiliating expedient of seeking the aid of the two Mahratta 
chiefs, Holkar and Sindia. With the aid of these useful aux- 
iliaries, the vizier obtained a decisive advantage over the 
Rohillas, and succeeded in driving them from their strongholds 
to the foot of the Himalayas, when they were glad to sue for 
peace on any terms.* 

A more formidable enemy appeared next in the person of 
the Afghan king, who once more marched into the Pujijab, 
seized upon Lahore and other principal cities, and finished by 
demanding that the emperor should regularly cede to him the 
possession of the entire country. Too weak to refuse, and 
fearing another invasion of India, Ahmed Shah at once con- 
sented to the terms proposed, and was only too glad to buy off 
on such terms an enemy of this formidable character. 

Dissensions at the court followed closely upon these external 
troubles. The assassination of a favorite eunuch of the em 
peror by his vizier, led to an open rupture, and eventually t. 
the expulsion of the offending minister. His successor, how- 
over, proved not more acceptable to the monarch, who com- 
menced plotting against his life ; and upon the discovery of' 
these intrigues, open war was declared between the emperor 
and his subject. The latter proved victorious; and obtaining 

* Elphinstono's India, vol. ii. p. 6ft0. 

12 



134 BRITISH INDIA. 

possession of the monarch's person, he caused his eyes to be 
put out, and a young prince of the same family to be proclaimed 
in his stead as Alamghir II. 

The new emperor evinced (a. d. 1 Y54) as little cordiality toward 
the vizier, Ghazi-u-din, who had placed him on the throne, as 
had his predecessor. It was evident that the minister intended 
to rule with an iron hand, whilst his royal master should look 
on and sanction his acts. The rigorous severity of his govern- 
ment soon caused an open mutiny, which had nearly cost him 
his life. Nor was this the sole result of his conduct. Having 
treacherously seized on Lahore and other cities in the Punjab, 
contrary to the treaty lately entered into with Ahmed Shah of 
Afghanistan, that king again crossed the Indus, marched to 
Delhi, and meeting this time with no opposition, took pos- 
session of the capital, and abandoned it to slaughter and 
plunder. 

Having no intention of retaining possession of Delhi, the 
Afghan king contented himself with securing such treasures as 
hfcid escaped Nadir. Shah, and then retreated across the Indus ; 
having meanwhile left a Rohilla chief in command of the 
capital, as a check upon the tyrannical power of Ghazi-u-din 
over the emperor. The ambitious minister once more had re- 
course to his old friends the Mahrattas, to second his efforts at 
supremacy. By the aid of that power, he eventually succeeded 
in wresting the Punjab from the hands of the Afghan monarch, 
took forcible possession of Delhi, and having made the un- 
fortunate and helpless Alamghir prisoner, put him to death. 

Shah Alum, the heir to the throne, owed his safety at this 
moment to his absence from the capital. Ahmed Shah Durani 
of Afghanistan was not long in taking revenge for the occu- 
pation of the Punjab. He prepared a formidable body of 
troops for a further invasion of the empire, crossed the Indus 
at a time when armies seldom take the field ; and marching 
southward, encountered the Mahratta forces in the plains of 
Paniput, near the Jumna, under Sedasheo Bhao. The forces 
of the latter comprised about 100,000 cavalry and 15,000 in- 
fantry, many of whom were sepoys, besides a large park of 



THK MOHAMMEDAN PERIOD. 185 

artillery and a liberal supply of rockets. The Durani brought 
against this army about 50,000 horse, composed of Persians 
and Afghans, with 30,000 infantry, partly ©f Rohilla and 
partly Indian ^soldiers, but ill trained.* 

After facing each other for some time, during, which the 
Mahrattas suffered much from want of supplies, an engagement 
took place, when after a terrible slaughter on both sides, the 
Durani's army was victorious. The survivors of the Mahrattas 
fled from the field ; but were so hotly pursued, that but very 
few of them escaped to tell the tale of their disasters. Tho 
power of this people was so effectually broken by this battle, 
in which most of their chiefs fell, that many years elapsed be- 
fore they were in a position to exercise any influence in Indian 
aftairs. 

The invading army having thus effectually broken up the 
iasi remnants of the empire, retired beyond the Indus, and 
appeared no more on the eastern side of that river. 

'i'he history of the Tartar dynasty may now be said to have 
closed ; as the remaining events which occurred in the various 
provinces and states of India comprising that once powerful 
empire belong so entirely to the history of the British power in 
the East, as to render it necessary to link them together. The 
fugitive Shah Alum subsequently obtained possession of the 
capital of his ancestors ; but being without the power to re- 
tain it, he fell into the hands of a Rohilla chief, who deprived 
him of sight, and afterward gave him into the power of Sindia, 
one of the Mahratta chiefs, who retained him in close confine- 
ment at Delhi until that city was taken by the British forces 
in 1803. Shah Alum and his son, Akbar Shah, both died 
pensioners on the bounty of the East India Company ; and with 
the last of these princes ended the race of the Tartar monarchs 
of India. 

* Duff's History of the Mahrattas, yol. iL p. 213. 




THE EUEOPEAK PERIOD. 



-«♦•»» 



CHAPTEH I. 

EARLY COMMUNICATION BETWEEN THE EASTERN AND WESTERN 
WORLD, AVITH SUBSEQUENT EUROPEAN PROGRESS, TO TBB 
ESTABLISHMENT OF BRITISH SUPREMACY IN INDIA. 



The earliest records which we possess of commercial inter- 
course between the inhabitants of India and those of countries 
to the west of Arabia relate to the Jewish kingdom. (b.c.1014.) 
History informs ns that Solomon drew large and frequent sup- 
plies of spices and cotton goods from the southern and eastern 
parts of Asia; and even in his time the Phoenicians were said 
to have been long in possession of the bulk of the Indian trade, 
which was chiefly carried on by way of the Red Sea and the 
Persian Gulf. An overland communication appears to have 
existed through Persia and Arabia ; but with this double in- 
tercourse, the western nations remained in deepest ignorance 
of the country and the people that lay toward the rising sun. 

All that Europe knew of India prior to the expedition of the 
(136) 




(138; 



THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 139 

Macedonian monarch was through its gold, its pearls, its spices, 
and its rich cloths. But the length of time occupied in the 
voyage, the circuitous route by which these goods were con- 
veyed, and the many hands through which they passed, rendereC 
it highly improbable that any but the most wild and fancifi. 
pictures of the East ever reached those who consumed the pro 
ducts brought from those distant lands. 

It was reserved for Alexander the Great (b. c. 331) to 
achieve, amongst other things, the opening of this hidden 
region, although he himself visited but its confines on the west. 
Unlike the progress of those northern conquerors who came 
after him, carrying fire and sword and scattering death and 
ruin about their footsteps, the Macedonian carried with him 
the softening influence of civilization. Of the knowledge of 
India, which flowed westward consequent upon the invasion of 
Alexander, we have already treated at the conclusion of our 
first historical section. 

The early death of the conqueror destroyed any plans he may 
have formed for opening up a trade with, or settling an empire 
in Hindostan ; and for nearly three centuries the commerce be- 
tween the eastern and western worlds was conducted by the 
Egyptian and Arab merchants, by way of the Red Sea, the 
Nile, and the Mediterranean ; the ports being then Berenice, 
Ooptos, and Alexandria. 

There were, however, two other routes by which a small 
portion of the traffic with the East was carried on. One of 
these lay through Persia and the upper part of Arabia to the 
Syrian cities ; a desert and difficult route, but one of great 
antiquity. The only halting-place on this dreary road was the 
famed city of Tadmor, or Palmyra, so called from the abund- 
ance of palm-trees which flourished around its walls. This 
regal city owed its prosperity to the commerce which passed 
through it ; and which, in the course of time, raised the state 
to a degree of importance and power that exposed it to th& 
jealousy of imperial Rome. A war ensued, in which its brave 
and noble-minded queen, Zenobia, was captured, her citj 



140 BRITISH INDIA. 

destroyed, and with it the overland traffic of the desert, which 
had existed since the days of Abraham. 

The second route was by way of the Indus upward, across 
the rocky passes of the Hindoo Cush, and so on to the river 
Oseus and the Caspian Sea, whence the merchandise was con- 
veyed, by other land and water conveyance, to the cities of the 
north and north-west. Even in the present day we find this a 
route of some importance, serving as the means of carrying oq 
a trade between India, Persia, and Russia, which ig*of more 
real value to the latter country than is perhaps generally known 
in Europe or America. The richest silks, the finest muslins, 
the most costly shawls, the rarest drugs and spices, are bought 
up by Russian dealers, and transported by this tedious route 
to the cities of the great Gzar. 

With the Palmyra route the carrying-trade of Egypt with 
the East suffered equally from the ravages and conquests of the 
Roman emperors, though not so permanently. "We read that 
during the reign of the emperor Claudius, one of the kings of 
Ceylon, then famed for its spices and pearls, dispatched an 
embassador to the Roman court, loaded with many costly gifts. 
At a later period still, the Chinese were visited by an emissary 
from the great ruler of the western world. 

With the decline of the Roman empire the trade with India 
rallied, and gathered something of its olden strength. The 
two events, however, which most sensibly contributed to the 
reopening of this commerce, were the removal of the seat of 
imperial government from Rome to Constantinople, and at a 
later period the invasions of the Saracens. 

Not less enterprising than brave, the Saracenic conquerors 
of the East were active in forming commercial depots, and 
opening a trade wherever Nature favored their designs. By 
them the city of Bussor-^i was built on a spot peculiarly adapted 
for navigation ; and before long the Euphrates and the Tigris 
swarmed with the mercantile marine of this new and energetic 
race. The genius, however, of the Saracens, was not such as 
to fit them to become civilizers and traders. They possessed 
too much of the military fire of conquerors to sit down and open 



O 

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a- 

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THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 143 

out the many commercial advantages which lay before them ; 
it sufficed them to have shown the path. 

The Turkish rulers of Syria, who followed upon the ruins of 

the Saracenic dynasty, cared as little for the great prize of 

eastern commerce as had their predecessors ; and were content 

that Constantinople, should be the centre of the traffic, which 

-they allowed quietly to pass into the hands of the Genoese. 

This was but a moiety of the eastern trade. The Arabs, as 
hardy and venturesome at sea as on land, had resuscitated the 
traffic through Egypt j and by dint of many explorations along 
the coast, they boldly sailed from the ports on the Red Sea, 
through the Straits of Babelmandel, and stretching eastward, 
reached in due time the coasts of Malabar. It is believed that 
the mariner's compass was introduced into Europe by these 
enterprising navigators. This portion of the commerce of 
India passed into the hands of the Yenetians in Egypt, and 
rapidly raised their republic to an importance and power which 
has seldom been equalled by any other modern state of similar 
extent. 

Such was the position of oriental commerce, when an event 
occurred which led to mighty results, and changed the whole 
course of affairs. Christopher Columbus, in searching for the 
East, found a new world in the West ; and at no great distance 
of time, Bartholomew Diaz (a. d. 1486) stumbled upon a road 
to the East round the " Cape of Storms," so called by him la 
token of the disastrous weather he there experienced. 

The Portuguese monarch, in whose service Diaz had sailed, 
was naturally elated at the importance of this discovery ; for it 
was easy to see, that by means of this new passage to India, 
the trade carried on by the Italians, at a great hazard and cos^ 
would rapidly fall into the hands of their western neighbors. 

Maritime affairs were in those days (a. d. 1498) carried on 
in a very different fashion to the business of present times ; 
and, anxious as the court of Lisbon was to profit by the for- 
tunate discovery, it was not until eleven years afterward, that 
a large and well-appointed fleet sailed for India under the 
command of Yasco de Gama. The Cape of Good Hope, as it 



U4 



BRITISH INDIA. 




COLCMBUS. 



was now rechristened, was safely doubled ; and at the end of 
the tenth month from their departure, the ships composing thia 
first Portuguese fleet of India anchored in the roads of Calicut 
on the Malabar coast. A valuable cargo of the precious things 
of the East recompensed the enterprising navigators for all 
their toils and dangers ; and the king of Portugal had the 
proud satisfaction of witnessing the spoils of Indian commerce 
piled at his feet ; whilst the merchants of Italy and Egypt 
looked on in undisguised alarm. It was soon demonstrated 
that the monopoly of the eastern seas was at an end. It was 
in vain that Yenitian merchants leagued with Egyptian Mame- 
lukes to fit out a powerful squadron, and endeavor to annihilate 
the €ef^t« of the Portuguese. The latter proved more than a 
match for their assailants, and remained masters of the Indian 
waten. Soon after this the power of the Yenitian state be- 
camr cripled, and at last annihilated, so that the merchant« of 
tha* country ceased to hold any influence amongst other powers. 
Egypt, too passed into new hands ; and although the Turk hh 



THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 145 

successors of the Mameluke rulers would gladly have weakened 
the power of the Portuguese, tiiey lacked the skill and enter- 
prise to do any mischief in that direction. 

The merchants of Lisbon had, however, other opponents to 
encounter — opponents possessing both daring and skill. The 
Moorish traders — half merchants, half buccaneers — had to this 
period held possession of the Indian seas without opposition ; 
and long habitude had impressed them with the feeling that in 
them rested the sole right to navigate and traffic on the waters 
of the East. It was not to be expected that these people 
would quietly see any interlopers trenching on their vested in- 
terests ; nor was it long before the subjects of King Emmanuel 
found this to their cost. 

The Portuguese monarch was not ignorant of the opposition 
which his attempt to open a trade with the natives of India 
would meet with from the Moors. Every care was taken to 
render the armaments which followed the first expedition as 
strong and efficient as was possible. A fleet of thirteen sail 
of all sizes, well manned, and carrying out upward of a thou- 
sand soldiers, was dispatched from Lisbon, for the purpose of 
extending the commercial operations already so favorably com- 
menced by Yasco de Gama, but under command of another 
officer, one Pedro Alvarez de Cabral. This commander had 
orders to open commercial negotiations with the Zamorin of 
Calicut, with the view of obtaining permission to form a settle- 
ment for trading purposes within his territories. 

It was during this voyage to India that Cabral accidentally 
discovered the Brazils, having been driven near the South 
American coast by stress of weather. Arrived at Calicut, the 
Portuguese commander found little difficulty in persuading the 
prince of the country to accede to such proposals as he made. 
A treaty of commerce was entered into ; and the new comers 
very shortly found themselves established within the boundary 
of the city. 

The Moors, from their long intercourse with the natives of 
India, had naturally great influence with the Zamorin, who 
may have looked upon the Portuguese with eyes not mor-^ 
1^ 



146 BRITISH IKDIA. 

favorable than the former. Tliey contrived in a very short tinre 
to work upon the fears and jealousy of this prince to sucli au 
extent, as to induce him, with their co-operation, to attack the 
European factory, and kill the whole of the residents therein; 

Cabral was not slow to avenge this cruel treachery. Bring- 
ing his entire force to bear upon the city, he found little 
difficulty in burning or sinking the greater part of the Moorish 
vessels at anchor under its walls, and reducing the place to a 
heap of ruins. The Zamorin, upon this, was glad to purchase 
safety at the expense of several new concessions to the victors ; 
and a treaty far more favorable to the latter was concluded 
upon the spot. 

This decisive blow at the power of the ruler of Calicut was 
shortly afterward productive of the best results to the Portu- 
guese. Impressed with the courage and success of the new 
comers, many of the petty sovereigns of the adjacent states 
sought their friendship, entered into amicable treaties with 
Cabral on behalf of his sovereign, and allowed factories to be 
established at various points where the localities presented 
favorable opportunities for opening a trading intercourse with 
the interior of the country. 

Having so far established the supremacy of the Portuguese 
flag upon the Malabar coast, Cabral prepared to return to 
Europe with a fleet freighted with the rare and costly products 
of the East, and not a little experience of oriental affairs, at 
that time shrouded in the greatest mystery. 

Arrived at Lisbon, this successful commander was received 
with the utmost favor and distinction by his royal master, upon 
whom the precious freightage of the ships, and the boundless 
prospect for the future, made no slight impression. The wealth 
of India brought thus, as it were, to the very threshold of 
Europe, was well calculated to arouse the energies of a nation, 
at that period deeply imbued with a chivalric spirit of enter- 
prise and discovery. The rich display of spices, silks, precious 
stones, and gums, were but types of the boundless mines of 
wealth to be opened in that far-off land of rich promise. The 
envied power and riches of the merchant-princes of Venico 



THE JBIJROPEAN PERIOD. 



1 I 




VASCO DE QAMA. 



might now be their own destiny. The East lay, as i i t#«, 
prostrate at their feet ; and it required but an outsti tctied 
hand to seize the willing prize. 

The king, Emmanuel, was not tardy in turning the in orraa- 
tion brought by Cabral, as well as the enthusiasm cret tt^d in 
the minds of the people, to full account. A fleet of twenty 
sail, all good ships and royally found, was immediately equipped, 
and the command of the armament given to Yasco de Gania, 
who, from his former experience, was well fitted for this dis- 
tinction. The monarch had no reason to regret the selection 
lie had made. De Gama rapidly placed matters on a sonndtr 
and more thriving footing than they had hitherto been, bj 
cultivating the friendly acquaintance of all those native prinr'i 
who appeared willing and able to further his views. Widi the 
Zamorin of Calicut he was less careful to keep np an inter 
course, being thoroughly convinced of the duplicity of hla 
character, and of his prejudice against Europeans. Thig 



148 BRITISH INDIA. 

alighting of his importance led the prince to take aggressive 
steps ; he dispatched his fleet to attack the ships of De Garaa; 
but although they were far superior in numbers, it was in \rain 
to contend against the superior skill and courage of the Portu- 
guese ; and the result was, that the Zamorin was compelled to 
see his adversaries successful in all their undertakings. 

Shortly afterward the Portuguese commander, having ful- 
filled his mission in the East, took his departure for Europe, 
leaving a small fleet, and sufficient forces to protect their 
factories, under the direction of one Loche. This officer, how- 
ever, proved unequal to the task ; and instead of guarding the 
trading settlements and the territories of such native princes as 
had favored his countrymen, he proceeded in various directions 
in quest of adventure and riches, and thus excited the enmity 
of the powerful ruler of Calicut. The immediate result of this 
conduct was the attack and capture of Cochin, a friendly state, 
by the Zamorin. The return of the fleet to the Malabar coast, 
the death of the unqualified commander, and the final appoint- 
ment of Albuquerque to the post of captain-general of the 
Portuguese forces in India, were the means of restoring matters 
to their original footing. The king of Cochin, with the aid 
of his European allies, defeated the numerous troops of the 
Zamorin, and recovered from that chief possession of his city. 

It was fortunate for the Portuguese that they possessed such 
an able commander as Albuquerque ; for all that valor, judg- 
ment, and decision could efl'ect, was needed to preserve their 
power and influence among the native states. The promulga- 
tion of a papal bull, couched in the arrogant and dictatorial 
tone peculiar to those insolent documents ; and assigning to the 
king of Portugal the possession and sovereignty of the whole 
of India, so far from serving the cause of the interlopers, tended 
to jeopardize their very existence in that part of the globe. It 
was found an exceedingly difficult task to persuade the be- 
nighted denizens of the eastern world, that any Christian 
dignitary, however exalted his earthly station might be, pos- 
sessed any right to bestow their territories, their possessions, 



THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 



149 




ALBCQUBRQDE. 



and themselves upon any band of adventurers, who chose to set 
up a claim to such lavish gifts. 

The attempts made under cloak of this Catholic document 
brought down upon the heads of the Portuguese the enmity 
and hostility of every race they came in contact with ; and be- 
fore long they found themselves in the unpleasant predicament 
of carrying on their barter at the cannon's mouth. Their 
factors were compelled to go about armed to the teeth ; every 
bale of goods was bought at the cost of blood ; each entry in 
their books was made under the protection of drawn swords. 

The indomitable energy and perseverance, no less than the 
prudence and foresight of Albuquerque, saved the Portuguese 
from the imminent danger which at this period (a. D. 1511) 
threatened their possessions in the East. A series of bold eu- 
lerprie^, crowned in every case with undoubted success, served 
13* 



160 BRITISH INDIA. 

to reinstate their name and reputation upon the old footing ; 
and before two years had passed, this excellent commander had 
the satisfaction of beholding the neighboring rajahs and princes 
eager to ally themselves and opeL trading treaties with him. 
Goa was taken possession of, and strongly fortified. The 
island of Malacca was conquered and garrisoned ; and, in 
ghort, at every point along the eastern and western coasts of 
the Indian peninsula, where there appeared an opportunity for 
commercial intercourse, there Albuquerque planted the flag of 
his sovereign and built a factory. Not content with his con- 
quests in India, the Portuguese commander opened communi- 
cations with China, and freighted several ships for that remote 
country. 

By a series of wise and liberal enactments, he gave such en- 
couragement to trade and navigation, that soon his ports were 
crowded with vessels of merchants from every eastern state, 
anxious to transact business where they could do so in the 
greatest security and to the most advantage. 

Having thns fairly established the Portuguese empire in 
India, Albuquerque might have extended his influence still 
further, had he not been cut off by death in the height of his 
successes, after a brilliant rule of five years. His loss was 
felt not less keenly by the natives of India than by his coun- 
trymen. Far and wide the influence of his name had been felt 
for good ; and wherever it was known, regret, deep and uni- 
versal, was expressed for the death of one so good and tal- 
ented. 

His successor, Soarez, was opposed to him in nature and 
reputation ; and in proportion as his conduct departed from 
that steady and unflinching course pursued by Albuquerque, 
so did the prosperity of the Portuguese settlements suffer in 
their transactions with the native dealers. Self-interest was 
the dominant feeling with the new commander ; and as his ex- 
ample was not long in being followed by those under his au- 
thority, it became a struggle amongst the whole body of mili- 
tary to enrich themselves as rapidly as possible, without regard 
to the public service, or the means used to attain their ends. 



THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 151 

Corruption and oppression ruled rampant at all the stations ; 
justice was forgotten amidst the general scramble for wealth ; 
and it soon became evident, that before very long the position 
of Portuguese affairs in India would be in no better condilion 
than they were previous to the government of Albuquerque. 

Fortunately for their reputation, the authorities at Lisbon 
gathered tidings of the existing state of things in the East, and 
recalled Soarez whilst there was still something to be saved ; 
although the successor appointed, Sequera, did nothing to re- 
trieve the confusion into which matters had fallen. The power 
of the Portuguese was at that period at an extremely low ebb ; 
and there is little doubt but that, had the native princes made 
any combined and well-directed attack upon them, they could 
hardly have helped proving completely successful. As it was, 
however, the old-established reputation of the Portuguese 
arms served to keep them safe at that time from any plots. 

At length a change was wrought in the councils of the court 
at Lisbon by the decease of King Emmanuel. The veteran ^ 
Vasco de Gama, under the title of Count di Vidigueyra, was 
appointed to the sole command, as captain-general of the In- 
dian empire, and sailed once more for the scene of his former 
exploits, at the head of a well-appointed civil and military 
staff. Unfortunately, the old commander lived but three 
months after his arrival in India ; yet in that brief space of 
time, he managed, by dint of activity and boldness, to correct 
many of the abuses existing, and to put down the swarms of 
pirates and robbers who infested both sea and land, equally 
with the numerous peculators in high places. 

His death was followed by a long series of disgraceful strug- 
gles among the Portuguese leaders for the supreme command ; 
and when at length a superior officer was sent out from Lisbon 
to assume the chief authority, it was not without difficulty that 
he asserted his office, and dispatched one of the principal mis- 
doers under arrest to Europe. 

The good offices of Nunio were needed to endeavor to place 
Portuguese affairs upon a belter footing. Yet it seemed a 
hopeless task, so widened had been the breach between the Eu- 



152 BRITISH INDIA. 

ropeans and the various rajahs. To add to his difficulties, be 
involved himself in a war v^ith the Emperor of Delhi, taking up 
the cause of the Sultan of Gujerat. Subsequently, the emperor 
liaving been worsted, the sultan and his allies came to an open 
rupture, and war was declared, which led to a protracted strug- 
gle between the two powers, and gave occasion to the emperor 
to avenge his defeat by sending reinforcements to aid his coun 
trymen against the Europeans. The valor and discipline of 
Ihe Portuguese troops proved, in the end, too much for the 
hordes of rude soldiers brought against them ; and thus the 
danger was averted, and at the same time the singular bravery 
and skill displayed by the garrisons of the factories so influ- 
enced the feelings of the many petty rulers in the vicinity, that 
those who had before been ready to declare against the Portu- 
guese, and waited for the moment to do so, now professed the 
most devoted attachment to them, and sought their friendship 
by every means. 

Stephen de Gama, the son of the veteran of that name, al- 
though in every way qualified for the important post, was not 
permitted to hold the reins of government in the East long 
enough to effect any beneficial improvements ; wiiilst the noto- 
rious conduct of his successor, De Souza, went far, by cruelty, 
oppression, and religious persecutions, to ruin the Portuguese 
character and influence in that part of the world. So infamous 
was the conduct of this sanguinary and haughty man, that the 
Sultan of Gujerat once more declared war upon the oppressors 
of India ; and with the assistance of numerous reinforcements 
from the court of Delhi, he laid close siege to a fortified town, 
and pressed it so severely, that it must have fallen into his 
hands but for the timely arrival from Lisbon of De Sooza's 
successor, De Castro, a man of very different stamp, who re- 
lieved the garrison of the besieged city, defeated the besieging 
array with great slaughter, and finally carried the war so vigor- 
ously and successfully into the heart of the enemy's country, as 
to induce the sovereigns of the Deccan and Gujerat gladly to 
Bue for peace on terms proposed by himself. 

The successful general followed up these exploits by a course 



THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 158 

of wise and conciliatory measures, calculated to remore the 
evil impression left by his several predecessors. In this he 
finally succeeded ; enemies were made friendly ; peaceful trade 
took the place of warfare and persecution ; religious toleration 
was the order of the day ; and before a year had elapsed, 
prosperity once more smiled upon the Portuguese settlements. 
Their ports were crowded with shipping ; their factories teemed 
with produce and merchandise; and on all sides were heard 
the busy sounds of industry. At no period of their Indian 
history could it be said that the Portuguese had attained any 
greater degree of prosperity than they enjoyed under the wise 
administration of De Castro. 

The establishment of Jesuit institutions in the East by the 
monk Francis Xavier must not be omitted, as it forms an im- 
portant epoch in the history of those colonies, and at no dis- 
tant date exerted a sensible influence upon the course of events. 
Of limited capacity in ecclesiastical matters, he compensated 
for religious deficiencies by energy and untiring zeal ; and not 
particularly exacting irj the degree of sincerity of his followers, 
contrived, in an incredible short space of time, to convert vast 
numbers of heathen to a nominal Christianity. The new faith, 
in his skillful and enterprising hands, assumed a degree of 
elasticity and pliability which moulded it to the temperament 
of any of the Hindoo or Moslem races ; and as Xavier looked 
more to the number than the faith of his disciples, he was met 
on all sides with open arms. 

To the zeal of a religious apostle he added the enterprise of 
a politician, and carefully played into the hands of the civi* 
government ; not making himself a party to any of the corrupt 
malpractices of those times, but rather setting himself in oppo- 
sition to the misdoers. At the death of De Castro, however, 
the old leaven of corruption, which had during his rule lain 
dormant amongst the civil and military servants of the Indo- 
Portuguese government, showed itself in undisguised colors. 
It was in vain that the Jesuit exerted his strongest influence 
to avert the evil effects of this state of things ; equally useless 
was it to represent the misconduct of the officials to the court 



154 BRITISH INDIA. 

at Lisbon. The evil-doers had powerful friends at home; and at 
that distance, with the then tardy and uncertain means of com- 
munication between remote parts of the globe, it was not to be 
wondered at that justice was long ere it found a response in 
the royal mind which then ruled the destinies of Portugal. 

During the rule of the various governors who followed De 
Castro, little occurred worthy of record, save events which 
shock humanity, and cause us to blush for the deeds committed 
under the cloak of religion. Jesuitism had, unfortunately for 
India, brought in its train the institution of that infernal 
machine of evil passions and fanatical bigotry, the Inquisition, 
the archetype of Roman Catholicism. This devilish engine 
was set to work at Goa, and made to do the bidding of priestly 
intolerance and lay enmities; and when, by the death of Don 
Sebastian, the crown of Portugal fell into the hands of Philip 
of Spain, the work of wickedness received a stimulus that 
wrought it up to the highest pitch of cruelty. 

The enormity of the crimes perpetrated within those fearful 
walls, the terror which the name of a priest of Christ inspired 
in the breast of every Christian and heathen dweller in those 
devoted colonies, spread a sad and heavy gloom over the land 
that but a few short years previously had reveled in the sun- 
shine of happy, peaceful industry. The records of these terrible 
times are far too sad to be long dwelt upon. It is enough to 
know that such things were, and leave the dark vail unlifted. 

As evil has ever been known to work out good, so these 
persecutions and religious slaughters led in the end to favorable 
results. A cry for vengeance arose from the priestly shambles 
of the Inquisition. It went forth over that devoted land from 
shore to shore, and found an echo in many a heart — sympathy 
in many a home. Insurrections, revolts, massacres, and burn- 
ings were to be met with far and near. Armed with another 
Papal bull, the Portuguese Christians deluged the country 
with blood; but in vain. Even the native converts joined the 
standard of the Hindoo and the Moslem, whose practice, if cot 
their creed, was more merciful and tolerant than that of the 
civilized crusaders from the western worli 



THE ELROPEAN PERIOD. 155 

^r.d now another people appeared on the bloody stage; a 
race of persevering, industrious merchants, who, by their 
cautious and humane policy, founded an empire in tjie East 
more durable, because more merciful, more kindly, than that of 
the intolerant Portuguese. 

The Dutch (a. d. 1509) having gathered some information 
respecting the trade and possessions of the Portuguese in India, 
and lured by the prospect of a share of those costly spoils, fitted 
out a fleet of merchantmen under the direction of an East India 
Company, and dispatched it laden with goods and merchandise 
for barter, and well armed. The advent of this first armament 
from Holland was the dawn of salvation to India ; and from 
that time may be dated the decline and ruin of the Indo-Portu- 
guese empire. 

It was in vain that the governor of Goa, alarmed by the ap- 
pearance of these formidable rivals on the eastern waters, en- 
deavored to excite the natives of India against the Dutch. He 
Boon found that, so far from the new-comers being regarded 
with fear or jealousy,.they were looked upon with favorable 
tyes by the princes who ruled upon the Malabar and Coro- 
mandel coasts ; and that these people began to count upon the 
assistance of the Hollanders as a foil to the oppressions of the 
Portuguese. Equally in vain was it to endeavor to repel the 
intruders by. force of arms ; they would gladly have found a 
pretext for a quarrel ; but the wary policy of the Dutch dis- 
appointed them in this, and the latter were, moreover, too well 
armed to be easily taken by surprise. 

Following closely in the steps of these, came the English, 
seeking their share of the wealth of these fabled regions. The 
fame of the Indian name, the marvelous tales told of the won- 
ders and boundless riches of the land of the sun, had made 
their way across British waters, and found ready listeners 
amongst the merchants of London. Previous to this period, 
the English had received the uncertain and illassorted ship- 
ments of Indian goods through the Yenitians, who, enjoying a 
monopoly at that period, had imposed such terms on their 
traffic as seemed best to them. Subsequent negotiations with 



166 



BRITISH INDIA. 




QUEEN ELIZABETH. 



the Sultan of Turkey had enabled the British to trade to greater 
advantage by sending their ships direct to the ports of that 
country, and purchasing such eastern goods as they required 
direct from those merchants who imported them by the way of 
Persia. The opportunity, however, which was now presented, 
of being able to share in the lucrative commerce of India by a 
more direct and profitable means, was too tempting to be thrown 
away; and incited by the news of the entire success of the Hol- 
landers in obtaining a large share of the spice trade of the 
East, at that time the most valuable traffic, and furthermore 
emboldened by the reports of several English travelers and ad- 
venturers who had visited various parts of India and forwarded 
home copious results of their observations, it was at length de« 
termined to follow the example of the Dutch, and form an Ea« 
glish East India Company. 



THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 157 

It was in the year 1600, that a immber of London merchants 
formed themselves into an assoeiatioii for trading purposes, 
with a caj)ital of £369,891 ; and applying to the so\ereigii 
(Queen Elizabetli) for a charter, they were finally incorporated 
under the designation of " The Governor and Company of Mer- 
chants of London trading to the East Indies." The charter 
of incorporation thus obtained named the first twenty-four di- 
rectors, and the chairman, Thomas Smythe ; but the power of 
nominating their successors was vested in the subscribers to 
the stock of the Company, which was by shares of £50 each. 
The following are the terms in which the powers of this new 
Company were defined : '* To traffic and use the trade of mer- 
chandise by sea, in and by such ways and passages already dis- 
covered, or hereafter to be discovered, as they should esteem 
and take to be fittest, unto and from the East Indies, unto the 
countries and ports of Asia and Africa, and unto and from all 
the' islands, ports, havens, cities, creej^s, rivers, and places of 
Asia, Africa, and America, or any of them, beyond the Cape 
of Good Hope to the Straits of Magellan, where any trade or 
traffic may be used ; to or from every of them, in such order, 
manner, form, liberty, and condition, as they themselves should 
from time to time determine." 

Amongst other stipulations inserted in this original docu- 
ment was a proviso, by the cautious Elizabeth, to the effect 
that if within the time allotted to the corporation by the char- 
ter, it should in any way appear to her majesty that the privi- 
leges and immunities of the Company worked detrimentally to 
the welfare of the trading or other portions of the community, 
then, by giving two years' notice, it would be lawful for the 
crown to cancel the entire deed of incorporation. On the other 
hand, if the course of events went to show that the Company 
arried on their operations in a right and public-spirited manner, 
then her majesty agreed to renew the said charter, and at the 
same time strengthen the powers and privileges of the Com- 
pany in many ways, as might appear unto her and her advisers 
most conducive to the general good. 

The first English fleet which was dispatched to India (a. P. 
14 



158 BRITISH INDIA. 

1601) consisted of five ships, under the command of Captain 
Lancaster. Tnese anchored in the roads of Achen in June of 
the following year ; and one of the first acts of the commodore 
was to form a commercial treaty with the prince of the country. 
Having bartered some of the merchandise for such articles a? 
the place furnished, Lancaster made sail for Java, to complete 
the homeward lading with spices, gums, silks, saltpetre, &c. ; 
and finally, after arranging another treaty with the king of Ban- 
tam, he returned home, well freighted with a valuable cargo. 

This and similar successful voyages (a. d. 1605) by the fleets 
of the English Company, did no<" fail to arouse the jealousy of 
not only the Portuguese, biit the Dutch, who had by this time 
established many factories and settlements along the Indian 
coasts, and upon some of the islands of the Eastern seas. 
Malacca was taken possession of by them ; and from that point 
they made several efforts to open a trading communication 
with other countries to the eastward. Although cordially de- 
testing each other, the merchants of these two nations at once 
agreed upon a mutual course of action as regarded the new 
interlopers upon the Indian seas. They united to thwart and 
damage, by every means in their power, the traffic of the En- 
glish ; and at length this secret opposition was flung aside, and 
exchanged for a more open hostility. Fleets were sent out to 
cut off the British merchantmen, by both the Portuguese and 
Dutch ; and so determined was the opposition, that it was 
eventually deemed necessary for the English East India Com- 
pany to dispatch much larger ships well armed with heavy 
cannon. The result of this decision was, that when next the 
Portuguese fleet made an attack upon the English vessels, 
which they did in the neighborhood of Surat, they experienceu 
a terrible defeat, amounting almost to annihilation. A sec- 
ond engagement led to precisely similar results ; and it then be- 
came evident to the native princes and sovereigns of India, no 
less than to the Portuguese and Dutch, that on the seas no 
power that could be brought to bear upon them was sufficient 
to master the English, and that in their hands must remain the 
dominion of the Indian waters 



THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 169 

The like desire, which had in )^ears past animated the ])etty 
Olid siii)erior rulers of those countries to court a friendly alli- 
ance with the Portuguese, vAas now (a. d. 1632) manifested by 
them toward the British, whom they considered as perfectly 
invincible. 

Advantage was taken of the favorable impression thus created, 
by dispatching embassies from the British settlements to seve- 
ral of the native potentates, especially to the Emperor of Delhi, 
by whom Sir Thomas Roe was most warmly received. By 
these means, permission was gained for the formation of several 
new and important settlements, with factories for purposes of 
trade ; so that, indirectly, the very opposition of the Portu- 
guese had proved the means of the advancement of their new 
rivals. 

The rule of the Portuguese in India was now rapidly on the 
decline ; the Dutch were sensibly on the ascendant in many 
places where the former had ruled paramount ; and it became 
evident that in future the struggle, if there should continue to 
be any, would be between the Dutch and the English. Nego- 
tiations were entered upon in Europe with a view to prevent 
any further acts of hostility between the subjects of twc powers 
at amity with each other, but with little effect. The Dutch 
East India Company relied so confidently upon the strength 
of their position in the various trading countries of India, that 
they regarded any amicable arrangements as weak concessions 
on their part, and accordingly threw every obstacle in the way 
of an arrangement. The weakness and vanity of James I., and 
the troubles during the greater part of the reign of Charles, 
favored the desired procrastination of the Dutch merchants, 
and left the English company to the/v own resources. 

The active mind and energetic character of Cromwell (a. d. 
1G54) viewed matters in a far different light; and he at once 
perceived the importance of fully protecting the eastern com- 
merce of England ; and having, in the war which he waged 
with Holland, completely beaten that people where they had 
believed themselves the most powerful, he felt himself in a posi- 
tion to dictate his own terms in reference to Indian matters • 



160 BRITISH INDIA, 

accordingly, it April, 1654, a formal treaty was concluded, in 
which the rights and privileges of the British East India Com- 
pany were fully and honorably maintained. 

From the weak and profligate Charles II. (a. d. 1669) littl** 
was to be expected ; and the only advantage the British -ohj- 
pany derived during his reign was the cession to them ol tne 
island of Bombay, which had formed part of the dowry tho 
monarch had received from Portugal on the occasion of his 
marriage with a princess of that country. 

During the reign of James II. the Company might have 
strengthened their position with the utmost ease ; for that 
prince, whatever were his other faults, did not possess that of 
inattention to the commercial interests of his subjects. He 
readily conceded them all the privileges they sought, and was 
prepared to forward their views in any manner that might have 
been desirable ; but, with all these advantages, the Company 
suffered much from the incapacity or dishonesty of their own 
^servants ; and so great was this evil in the case of the governor 
of Bombay, Sir John Child, that the Emperor of Delhi deemed 
it necessary to proceed to open hostility with the English, and 
was only prevented from sacking that town by the timely death 
of the unpopular governor. 

The early part of the reign of William and Mary saw little 
improvement in the management of the affairs of the Company, 
or in their prospects in the East. The outcry against the mis- 
direction of these affairs became loud and general ; and it was 
only by heavy and frequent bribes in influential quarters that 
the directors contrived to maintain their position. At length 
a new East India Association was formed, which, after some 
years of bitter animosity, became fused in the old one (a. d, 
n08) ; and eventually the two obtained a new charter, which, 
amongst other concessions, granted to the Company the privi- 
lege of holding courts of session and appeal, as also a mayor's 
court, at each of the three Presidencies, then created, of Madras, 
Bombay, and Calcutta. 

By slow but sure steps (a. d. 1715) the servants of the Com- 
pp»j/ advanced their superiors^ interests; and it was so far a 




CLnis. 



(168) 



THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 163 

fortunate circumstanc* for them that, upon the decease of the 
then Emperor of Delhi, Anrungzebe, many dissensions and 
cabals took place, which enabled them to work out their own 
particular views. Another embassy was undertaken from 
Calcutta to the court of Delhi ; and although many difficulties 
and delays intervened, the objects of the mission were eventually 
gained, much to the annoyance of the Viceroy of Bengal, who 
cordially hated the English, and who would gladly have denied 
them the possession of a foot of land within the imperial terri- 
tories. 

The commerce between France and India attained about 
this time such an importance as to excite the envy of t^e En- 
glish ; and when at length there was a declaration of war be- 
tween the two countries, a fleet was equipped for the prrpose 
of capturing Pondicherry. This expedition failed through the 
incapacity of the English commander and the valor and skill 
of the French Admiral Labourdonnais, who, in his turn, 
attacked and reduced Madras, a. d. 174t. A second naval 
expedition against Pondicherry was attended with as \ittle 
success as the first ; and Boscawen, the English admiral, was 
forced to a humiliating retreat. These, and the failure of an 
expedition against Tanjore, served for a time to dim the lustre 
of the British arms in the East. Major Lawrence undertook a 
second expedition against Tanjore, in aid of the dethroned 
rajah ; and on this occasion the English, though with little 
permanent advantage, came off victorious. These operations 
were shared in by one who was afterward destined to play an 
important part in Indian warfare. The name of Clive is in- 
separable from the history of British influence in the East, and 
lanks second to none other in its world-wide fame. At this 
time Clive was a young lieutenant in one of the regiments en- 
gaged upon this occasion ; and his abilities and sound judg- 
ment were at once perceived by Major Lawrence, who did not 
fail to turn them to account. 

The peace of the Indian peninsula was at this period greatly 
disturbed by repeated disputes between the nabobs of the 
Carnatic and the Nizam al Mulk, viceioy of the Deccan. The 



164 BRITISH INDIA. 

treachery, the cruelties, the bloodshed wWich arose out of this 
struggle are scarcely to be paralleled in any country out of the 
East. At length, after a long series of crimes and treacheries, 
the nabobship of the Carnatic was assumed by Chanda Sahib, 
formerly the minister of that state. The death of Nizam al 
Malk followed soon after ; and disputes arising between his 
son and grandson, Nazir Jing and Murzafa Jing, respecting 
the succession, Chanda Sahib, noted not le^s for his cowardice 
than for his ambition, formed an alliance with the latter ; they 
were soon joined by the French* and for a time victory declared 
in their favor ; but so elated were they with their success, that 
instead of ensuring at once the power that now lay so easily 
within their grasp, they repaired to Arcot and Pondicherry, 
where they spent their time in pompous display ; and thus 
afforded time to their enemies, who, being joined by Mohammed 
Ali, governor of Trichinopoly, and a detachment of English 
troops under Major Lawrence, came upon them unawares, and 
gained an easy victory. Murzafa Jing was flung into prison, 
whilst Chanda Sahib escaped with difficulty to Pondicherry. 

Nazir Jing was shortly after shot in an engagement with the 
French, who captured the important fortress of Gingee. Mur- 
zafa was now released, and raised to the dignity of Viceroy of 
the Deccan ; he did not, however, long enjoy his power, but 
was murdered by a party of the Patau troops ; and Salabat 
Jing, son of Nizam al Mulk, was nominated by the French to 
succeed him. 

Tiie military energies of the English, which had suffered 
severely since the departure of Major Lawrence from India, 
were now retrieved by Clive, who requested and gained per- 
mission to attack Arcot, in order to divert the attention of 
Chanda Sahib, who was then engaged in the siege of Trichi- 
nopoly. Arrived at Arcot, Clive, in spite of the most in- 
clement weather, at once made himself master of the tow^n and 
citadel. But more memorable by far than the capture of the 
place was the defense made by this young officer when besieged. 
With but 200 Europeans and 300 sepoys, Clive withstood the 
attacks of fully 9000 of the nabob's troops, and 150 French 



THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 165 

Boldiers. Breaches were raade in the walls; but so bravely 
aud effectively were they defended by the little band within, 
that the nabob's army finally fell back from the struggle; and, 
in spite of overwhelming numbers, retreated precipitately, after 
a siege of nearly two months. Not content with this, Clive, 
on being reinforced by a small detachment from Madras, pur- 
sued the retreating foe, and scattered the retiring host with 
terrible slaughter. 

This siege terminated hostilities for a brief period ; but be- 
fore Clive had been many weeks at Madras, the French again 
took the field and threatened Arcot, though without effect. 
More serious work was before the English commanders. The 
siege of Trichinopoly had to be raised ; and this was performed 
by Lawrence and Clive in conjunction with the forces of the 
rajahs of Mysore and Tanjore. The French troops, although 
greatly strengthened by those of Chanda Sahib, were unequal 
to the contest. D'Auteuil, a French general coming to the 
relief of M. Law, was made prisoner; and eventually the latter 
was forced to capitulate, whilst the unfortunate Chanda Sahib, 
falling into the hands of the Rajah of Tanjore, was sacrificed to 
the hatred of his enemies. This obstacle being removed, Mo- 
hammed Ali was declared nabob of the Carnatic. 

Although in many respects the fortune of the French in the 
Indian peninsular appeared more than desperate, there were 
other circumstances which favored them. M. Bussy possessed 
great influence at the court of the viceroy of the Deccan. He 
had risen to importance in the estimation of Salabat Jing by 
the advice and assistance he had rendered him, not only in his 
promotion to the vice-royalty, but in the subsequent govern- 
ment of that country. The friendly aid of the French general 
was eventually rewarded by the gift of the governorship of the 
tract of country known as the Northern Circars — a large, popu- 
lous, and thriving district, and in many ways calculated to 
strengthen the influence of the French in the peninsular. 

The raising of the siege of Trichinopoly, narrated above^ was 
followed by a series of incessant attacks and petty warfare be- 
tween the troops on either side, with but little advantage re* 



166 BRITISH INDIA. 

suiting to eitlier party ; whilst the expenses of the French and 
English companies' establishments were necessarily much aug- 
mented by the constant hostilities carried en. A few years of 
this heavy drain upon their resources, induced both to consider 
that the policy of their respective commanders was not the one 
best calculated to further their substantial interests. 

The governments of the two countries being then at peace, it 
appeared a monstrous anomaly that their subjects in India 
should continue to wage war upon each other with so little 
pretext ; and in the end, the consideration of this state of 
things led to an understanding betwen the French and English 
East India companies. It was arranged that M. Dupleix, the 
French governor-general, should be recalled, and that various 
concessions should be made on either side, though mostly in 
favor of the British. To render the cause of the French still 
more unsatisfactory, M. Bussy about this time gave offense to 
his friend and patron, the viceroy, who removed him from his 
government, flung oflf the friendship of the French people, and 
sought the acquaintance and friendly aid of their opponents, 
the British. 

Clive, who had visited England to recruit his health during 
recent events, reached India once more in June, 1756, and as- 
sumed the command of Madras. At this time events were oc- 
curring in the northern presidency, which shortly called forth 
the activity and enterprise of the young commander. 

Suraj-al-Dowlah, who had succeeded his uncle, Alverdi 
Khan, as viceroy of Bengal, was a cruel and rapacious tyrant. 
Not content with possessing himself of all the treasures which 
his relation had accumulated during a series of years, he deter- 
mified to seize on the English factory and property at Calcutta; 
which, from the extensive commerce carried or, he imagined 
must be of great value. 

He marched suddenly upon Calcutta with a large force ; and 
despite the gallant resistance of the little band who garrisoned 
the British factory, he took possession of the place, and gave 
up the town to pillage. Such of the English residents as were 
able, sought shelter in the few ships at anchor in the river ; 



w 




SURAJ-AL-DOWLAH AND HIS SONS. 



(168,^ 



THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 



169 




■ONITMEUT BRECTEI) TO COMMEMOBATE THE VICTIMS OF THB " BL ACK-H0I.1. '* 



but one hundred and fortj-six fell into the hands of the tyrant, 
who ordered them to be confined until the following morning. 
The unfortunate prisoners were forced into a miserable, badly- 
ventilated cell, known as the "Black-Hole," and kept there 
during one of the most sultry nights of an oppressive season. 
In vain the wretched men supplicated for air and water; im 
mense suras were offered to their guards for a change of prison. 
The soldiers outside could or would do nothing, and seemed to 
enjoy their sufferings, which, as night drew on, became intens^e. 
It was in vain they tried to force the door. Madness came on 
many ; numbers fell fainting on the ground, and were at once 
trampled to death. Others fought for a place near the small 
hole which served as a window, and died in the madness of the 
struggle. 

When the door of this horrible prison was flung open in the 
15 



ItO BRITISH INDIA. 

morning, a sbocliing sight presented itself. Of the one hundred 
and forty-six who, on the previous evening, were forced within 
its walls, but twenty-three remained alive, and those so ghastly, 
so exhausted, as to look like spectres. 

This tragedy brought speedy retribution upon the head of 
Suraj. Clive took the command of such forces as could be 
spared from Madras, and making his way rapidly to Calcutta, 
found small diflBculty in possessing himself of that town. This 
was followed up by the capture of Hooghly, further up the 
river; and eventually, by the decision and rapidity of his move- 
ments, Clive compelled the viceroy to sue for peace. 

It became evident, however, that Suraj did not intend to re- 
main long on friendly terms with the English ; for, upon their 
marching to besiege Chandenagore, a French settlement, the 
viceroy thwarted them by every means in his power. 

Clive determined that the nabob should be deposed, as a 
treacherous and dangerous enemy ; and this resolve was 
strengthened and aided by events which at that time occurred 
in Bengal. 

Mir JaflQer, who had married the sister of Alverdi Khan, 
plotted against Suraj ; and having secured the co-operation of 
the English, found no difficulty in inducing Clive to take the 
field. On the 22d June, 1757, the British commander took up 
his position in the Grove of Plassy. dive's forces amounted 
to about three thousand men, one third of whom were Euro- 
peans ; those of the subahdar consisted of fifty thousand foot 
and eighteen thousand horse ; but, notwithstanding this dis- 
parity of numbers, the battle terminated in favor of the En- 
glish, and Suraj fled from the field. Finding himself without a 
friend on whom to rely, he sought to escape in disguise ; but, 
being recognized by an enemy, he was delivered up and placed 
in the custody of the son of Mir Jaffier, who ordered him to be 
assassinated. 

Mir Jaffier being called upon to defray the expenses that 
had been incurred, it was discovered that the late subahdar^a 
treasures were inadequate to meet the demand. After some 
tedious negotiations, it was agreed that one half of the money 



•THE EUROPEAN PERIOD, ITl 

should be paid immediately, and the remainder in three equal 
payments in three years. 

j^bout this time Major Coote was sent to expel the French 
from Behar ; in which enterprise he succeeded, and an amicable 
arrangement was entered into with the governor of the prov- 
ince. 

Whilst the above events occurred in the north, affairs were 
not less complicated in the south. War was again raging be- 
tween France and England, and a fleet was daily expected with 
reinforcements for the French in Pondicherry. Captain Cal- 
liaud, the governor of Trichinopoly, was ordered by the Coun- 
cil of Madras to reduce Madura and Tinevelly, which he at 
once undertook ; he was, however, soon recalled to Trichi- 
nopoly, which had been besieged by the French during his 
absence. He contrived by forced marches to effect a junction 
with his garrison ; and the French, disheartened by his success- 
ful daring, marched back to Pondicherry on the following day. 
The enemy having been reinforced by troops from Europe 
under the command of the Count Lally, that general laid siege 
to Fort St. David, and finally captured it on June 1st, 1158. 
Bussy had meanwhile established the French arms in the Dec- 
can. Having forced the Nizam and his Omrahs to submit to 
his terms, he proceeded to the Northern Circars for the pur- 
pose of collecting the revenues of these provinces. Lally, de- 
termined, if possible, to strike a blow that should at once over- 
throw the supremacy of the British in India, and supply hia 
exhaasted treasury with means, ordered Bassy to join him with 
ihe whole of his forces. The harsh conduct of the French 
general toward all clavsses had rendered him most unpopular 
in his camp and in the native states, so that when he laid siege 
to Tanjore, he found but little cordiality or co-operation. His 
attempts against this city were rendered fruitless by the arrival 
of an English fleet in the vicinity, and relief afforded to the 
garrison by the governor of Trichinopoly ; the result was the 
retreat of Lally to Carical. 

The siege of Madras ended with no better success to the 
French arms. Lally retreated from the trenches j and shortly 



172 BRITISH INDIA. 

afterward, in an engagement with the English under Cootc, 
before Wandewash, suffered a complete defeat ; Bussy being 
captured with most of the artillery and baggage. Coote 
steadily pursued his victorious career ; Arcot, Timery, Devi- 
Cotah, Trincomalee, Pennacoil, Alamparva, Carical, Yaldore, 
Cillambaram, and Cuddalore, all surrendered to the British 
troops. 

Meanwhile, at Moorshedabad, Clive received intelligence of 
the engagement between the English and French fleets on the 
Cororaandel coast, and the investment of Fort St. David, upon 
which he hastened to Calcutta, critical affairs requiring his 
presence. On his arrival, he found instructions from England 
constituting a council of ten, and appointing four governors to 
manage the affairs of India. Olive's name was omitted ; but 
the administration invited him to accept the office of president, 
by which they anticipated fresh instructions, that were for- 
warded upon the intelligence of the battle of Plassy reaching 
England. 

Mir Jaffier, his son Meeran, and Nuncomar, a Hindoo, hav- 
ing combined to destroy Dooloob Ram, the Dewan of the Vice- 
roy, Olive was obliged to protect him in Calcutta. Active 
measures on behalf of the injured minister were prevented by 
the misfortunes of the English in the Carnatic, Fort St. David 
being taken, and Madras threatened with a siege. He re- 
solved not to send troops to Madras, but entered upon a diver- 
sion favorable to that presidency, and of infinite service to 
Bengal. 

Rajah Anunderaz, dissatisfied with the conditions on wbich 
Bussy had invested him with power, on the departure ot this 
officer attacked and captured the French settlement of Yiziga- 
patam, and made an offer to the Madras government to sur- 
render his capture, provided a body of troops were furnished 
him to aid in subjugating the Oircars. The executive of Mad- 
ras being apprehensive of Lally's progress, declined a distant en- 
terprise ; and the rajah addressed himself to Olive, who, in oppo- 
sition to the entire council, concluded a treaty with Anunderaz, 
and dispatched Oolonel Forde with a large force to aid him. 



THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 173 

Forde's operations were retarded both by want of money and 
supplies ; but being; joined by the rajali. he advanced against 
the French under M. Conflans, who with superior force held a 
strong position at Rajamundri. Forde ordered an immediate 
ftltack ; and although deserted by Anunderaz, defeated the 
French, captured their camp, and drove them from Rajamundri. 
The rajah's penuriousness prevented Forde from taking imme- 
diate advantage of his success ; and when the English, after a 
vexatious delay, began to advance, M. Conflans retired into 
the fort of Masulipatam. Forde, upon reaching it, summoned 
the garrison to surrender, but was treated with ridicule, the 
defenders being more numerous than the besiegers, with an 
army of observation in the field ; while Salabat Jing was on his 
march to support them with the army of the Deccan, and a 
reinforcement expected from Pondicherry. Though his troops 
were in a mutiny for their pay, and his ammunition short, Forde 
commenced a siege on the 25th of March, and maintained it 
vigorously until the 6th of April, 1159, when his engineers re- 
ported but two days' ammunition in store ; at the same time 
intelligence reached him that the army of observation was 
effecting a junction with the advancing forces of the Deccan ; 
whereon he resolved to storm the fort. As hot a fire as possible 
was ordered during the day, and the troops to be under arms 
at ten at night. Forde divided his little army into three di- 
visions, and at midnight led them under the walls. The assail- 
ants gained the palisades of the ditch without discovery, when 
a heavy fire was opened on them ; but they advanced deter- 
minedly until the ramparts were possessed, when separating to 
the right and left, they stormed with success bastion after bas- 
tion. Surprised, terrified, and panic-struck, the firing coming 
from every direction, the French force surrendered at discretion 
as morning broke upon the scene. 

The effect of this gallant achievement was great and imme- 
diate. Salabat Jing entered into a treaty with Forde, ceding 
Masulipatam to the English, and consenting to banish the 
French from his dominions forever. The Pondicherry i^in- 
15* 



It4 BRITISHINDIA. 

forcement arrived too late to be of any service, and returned 
after enduring great privations. 

Bengal was threatened at this time with a fresh danger. 
Alumgir II., dissatisfied with Mir Jaffier, invested his son with 
the government of Bengal, Behar, and Orissa, and the prince 
collected an army to assume his rights. Ramnarain, the ruler 
of Berar, joining Mir, Jaffier and the English, closed the gates 
of Patna upon the prince, who besieged the place ; upon which 
Clive hastened to its assistance. But before his arrival, the 
prince's allies had quarreled with one another, reducing him to 
BO much distress, that he wrote to Clive requesting money for 
his subsistence, and promising to withdraw from the province. 
The terms were acceded to, and the danger removed. Mir 
Jaffier was so grateful for his deliverance, that he made Clive 
a chief Omrah of the empire, and bestowed upon him a jaghire 
or estate round Calcutta worth 150,000 dollars a year. 

Clive, upon returning to Calcutta, was joined by Forde in 
time for another emergency. Though peace existed between 
England and Holland, the Dutch, jealous of the English prog- 
ress in Bengal, fitted out a fleet at Batavia, to counterpoise 
the English in that province, consisting of seven ships, manned 
by 700 Europeans and 800 Malays. Entering the Hooghly, 
they landed their forces a few miles from Calcutta, to march 
to their settlement at Chinsura. Forde was ordered to inter- 
cept their progress, which he did with so much success, that 
fourteen only reached their destination, the remainder being 
either slain or captured. The seven Dutch ships surrendered 
to the Company's vessels ; and the Dutch, in order to avoid 
being totally expelled from Bengal, were compelled to pay the 
expenses of the war. 

In the Madras Presidency the tide of fortune flowed still in 
favor of the British. The French had retreated to Pondi- 
cherry, wh'^re, in May, 1760, they found themselves completely 
hemmed in by the English. After sustaining a siege of eight 
months, the fort and town capitulated, upon which their re- 
maining settlements fell an easy prey to the victors. 

From this date the destiny of the French in India was 



THE EUROPEAN PERIOD 



175 



tfcttied. Bussy had been killed some time previously in an en- 
gagement. Lally returned to Europe ; and on his arrival in 
France, was put on his trial for treason by the French parlia- 
ment. Defense was in vain; he was condemned, and put to 
death by the hands of the common hangman. With him ex- 
pired the French East India Company ; and though some few 
isolated attempts. were afterward made to resuscitate that body, 
they never again took any part in Indian affairs. 

The disappearance of the French, the impotency of the 
Putch, and the subjugation or disunion of the native powers, 
promised to secure to the English undisturbed possession of 
India. Clive, having placed matters on a firm basis, took the 
opportunity of this political calm once more to visit his na- 
tive country, full of honors and years, leaving the British 
power both feared and respected throughout those vast do- 
miuious.* 

* The authorities consulted in this and the following chapters of the his- 
torical section, have been Mill's History, Auhir's Rise and Progress of th* 
British Empire in the East; and files of the Bombay Times, Calcutta Euylith' 
man, and Friend of India, 





CHAPTER II. 

iKOM THE PERMANENT SETTLEMENT OP THE BRITISH IN INl^IA, 
TO THE DEATH OP HYDER ALL 



The departure of Clive for England left the command of the 
army to Colonel Calliaud, who, though not wanting in energy 
and ability, had neither the prestige nor the military genius 
of Clive. 

The emperor's son again made an attempt upon the power 
of Mir Jaffier, and thus kept Calliaud and his forces on the 
alert. Before long, however, another revolution took place at 
Delhi. The emperor was murdered, and his son invested with 
the dangerous title, under the name of Shah Alum. . 

The supremacy which Orientals ever attach to the royal 

name, added to the direct influence of his vizier, the nabob of 

Oude, soon added large and seasonable reinforcements to his 

array, so that he found himself in a formidable position for 

(176) 



THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 11 T 

warlike operations, and accordingly marched with his large 
army upon Patna. 

Arrived before that important town, Hamnarain, In opposi- 
tion to his councilors, attacked him, but was signally defeated, 
and the detachment of English stationed there were cut to 
]iie(;es. Calliaud immediately advanced to save Patna, and 
Upon coming up with the imperialists, attacked them and 
g ined a complete victory. The emperor, having been rem- 
forced by M. Law and his body of French troops, subsequently 
stormed Patna a second time, and was repulsed with great 
difficulty. A third assault was anticipated ; but fortunately a 
Btrong reinforcement reached Patna under Captain Knox, who, 
upon finding how affairs stood, without allowing his troops 
time for refreshment, ordered an attack upon the imperial camp 
during the hour of the afternoon's repose, when he surprised 
and drove his enemies from their position, to which they never 
returned. 

This gallant affair was speedily followed by the advance of 
the Naib of Poorania with 12,000 men and thirty pieces of 
cannon upon Patna. Knox, whose forces amounted only to 
200 Europeans, one battalion of Sepoys, 300 irregular horse, 
and five pieces of ordnance, determined to cross the river and 
encounter the Naib, in which he was supported by a friendly 
rajah with 300 men. His intent was a night surprise of the enemy's 
camp ; but through a mistake of his guide this was frustrated. 
In the morning, the Naib's army advanced and literally sur- 
rounded Knox, who, however, defeated him in every quarter, drove 
him from the field, and followed him with destruction until in- 
eapaciated by fatigue, when Calliaud took the retreating Naib 
off his hand and pursued him vigorously for several days. 

Upon Clive's departure for England, the Court of Directors 
appointed Mr. Yansittart to the head of the executive — a pro- 
coeiing alike injurious to the government, and offensive to the 
r( mainder of the council ; it having been the usage to nominate 
the senior member of the council for the appointment. Such 
a deviation, even in favor of a talented individual, would neces- 
sarily engender much unfriendly feeling ; but in the case of 



178 BRITISH INDIA. 

Vansittart, whose only statesmanlike recommendation was a 
grave demeanor, it was highly oiieusive, and produced very 
violent dissensions in the Calcutta council, which often termi- 
nated most disgracefully. Yansittart found the treasury empty, 
the troops at Patna in mutiny for pay, xMir Jaflier's allowance 
to his auxiliaries in arrear, with little prospect of his paying 
either that or his large balance to the Company. 

Instead of advising with his council, he arranged his plans 
with a secret committee, and determined to depose Mir JaEQer, 
and substitute in his stead his son-in-law, Mir Casim ; for which 
purpose he proceeded with some troops to Moorshedabad. 
Mir Jaffier naturally opposed this unjust arrangement as long 
as a probable chance of success remained, when, scorning an 
empty title, he retired to Calcutta ou a pension. 

Mir Casim's elevation was for a stipulated payment, the 
English undertaking to supply him with troops for the collec- 
tion of his revenues. These payments, with the expenses of 
subduing some rebellious chiefs aided by the Mahrattas, ex- 
hausted his finances, which he deternjined to recruit by plun- 
dering Ramnarain, the Hindoo governor of Berar ; and to for- 
ward his views, charged the governor, who had been a faithful 
ally of the English, with various offenses, which Mr. Vansittart, 
in defiance of the caution afforded him both by Major Carnac 
and Colonel Coote, listened to. The result is easily foreseen : 
Ramnarain was seized by Mir Casim, plundered, and eventu- 
ally put to death with great barbarity. 

Vansittart's government daily diminished in popularity ; and 
all confidence in the English was destroyed when the natives 
learned the sacrifice of Ramnarain, who had so steadily sup- 
ported the English interest; while it was generally promul- 
gated among the Europeans that the partiality to Mir Casim 
was the effect of corruption. Yansittart's principal supporters 
in the council were at this period recalled in consequence of 
their having presumed to censure the proceedings of the Court 
of Directors, which left him in a minority ; and Ellis, the most 
determined of his opponents, was appointed resident at Patna. 
lie treated Mir Casim without the least deference, seized his 



THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. ITS 

officers for interfering with the transit of goods, and forcibly 
took possession of a quantity of nitre which had been pur- 
chased for the viceroy's use. In these acts Ellis was sup- 
ported by the entire of the Company's servants. The seizure 
of his officers induced Mir Casira to abolish all transit-duties 
in Vis dominions ; but it will hardly be credited at this time, 
that peculation was then so rife in the council of Calcutta, that 
this abolition of duties was declared an act of hostility against 
the India Company, and threats of war were made unless the 
edict was canceled ; a proposition which Mir Casim took no 
heed of, and both parties prepared to solve the dispute by 
force. 

The viceroy, knowing that Mr. Ellis, the resident at Patna, 
intended seizing that city, stopped some boats laden with mus- 
kets for the troops ; and it was with considerable difficulty that 
Messrs. Amyatt and Hay, who had been instructed to remon- 
strate with him, could obtain his sanction to allow the boats 
to pass. He eventually granted Amyatt permission to return 
to Calcutta, holding Hay as a hostage. Upon learning Ara- 
yatt's departure, Ellis intemperately took the city by a night 
attack. Mir Casim, enraged at this outrage, dispatched a 
body to overtake and bring back Mr. Amyatt, who resisted, 
and was, with several attendants, slain. This seizure of Patna 
did not long remain unpunished ; the troops dispersed in search 
of plunder; and the governor, who retreated but a few miles, 
receiving a reinforcement from Mongheer, returned, and again 
possessed himself of the city, when the English surrendered and 
were sent prisoners to Mongheer. 

Upon intelligence of these events reaching Calcutta, the 
council determined that no proposals should be received from 
Mir Casim, and that Mir Jaffier should again be invested with the 
power he had been deprived of; and, on the 2d of July, 1763, 
the English army opened the campaign. The first engagement 
Wiis with the van of the viceroy's army, near Moorshedabad, 
which terminated unfavorably to him, when the Indian troops 
retreated upon Gheriah, where Mir Casim joined them with ail 
hia forces. He was again attacked on the 2d of August, and 



180 BRITISH INDIA. 

totally routed after four hours' hard fighting, losing all h'la 
Gannon, baggage, and one hundred and fifty boats laden with 
provisions. 

After this last engagement, he retreated with his forces to 
Oodiva, where, among the hills, he entrenched his army with 
Bo much judgment, that his adversaries were kept at bay for a 
month ; but, on the 5lh of September, a sudden and successful 
assault was made, which compelled Mir Casim to fall back 
upon Mongheer, then his capital ; which place, with its garrison 
of two thousand men, shortly after surrendered to the English 
arms. Increased rage and cruelty attended each defeat of the 
viceroy ; at Gheriah he executed the unfortunate Ramnarain 
and several nobles ; at Oodiva, two of the Sets of Moorshe- 
dabad ; while at Mongheer the whole of his European prisoners 
were slaughtered at his command, with the single exception of 
a Dr. Fullerton, whose professional services and skill proved 
his safeguard. 

On the 6th of ISTovember Patna fell by storm, when Mir 
Casim, considering his position irretrievable, fled to Oude, and 
requested the protection of its nabob, which was granted. For 
some time the English remained upon the confines of Oude, 
anticipating that the nabob would surrender Mir Casim ; but 
in this they were disappointed, the nabob feeling somewhat 
confident in his position, owing to the insubordination which 
at that time prevailed in the English forces. This mutinous 
spirit prompted Sumroo, one of Mir Casim's chiefs, to attack 
the English near Patna, when he was repulsed with dreadful 
slaughter. Unfortunately the illness of Carnac procrastinated 
the war until the arrival of Major Hector Monro with a detach- 
ment from Bombay. 

The mutinous spirit that existed in the army under Carnac 
prevailed more strongly upon Monro assuming the command. 
An entire battalion of sepoys, with arms and accoutrements, 
deserted to the enemy, but were overtaken and brought back; 
twenty-four of the principal offenders were sentenced to be 
blown from the mouths of cannon, and the whole army ordered 
to witness the execution of the sentence. Four of the unfortu- 



THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 181 

Bate men having been executed, the officers of the sepoys waited 
on the major, and stated that their men would not permit any 
more to be sacrificed. A command to load the field-pieces 
with grape, and for the Europeans to form in line, with tiie 
guns at proper intervals, was Monro's reply ; at the same time 
he ordered the sepoy officers to return, and command their men 
to ground their arms ; and declared that if a single man stirred 
from his position, he would order his guns to be immediately 
opened upon them. This firmness intimidated the mutineers, 
ani the execution was completed. 

Monro's spirit effected a great improvement in the army ; 
after which he marched against the Nabob of Oude, and de- 
stroyed his forces near Buxar ; the Emperor Shah Alum upon 
this sought the friendship of the English, and concluded a 
peace, which gave the latter supreme power in Bengal. Mir 
Casim fled te the Rohillas, the Nabob of Oude being no longer 
able to afi'ord him shelter. 

The finances at Calcutta at this period were in a wretched 
state; and Mir Jaffier, being totally unable to liquidate the 
Company's claims, independent of those demanded from him 
by private individuals for losses both real and imaginary, sunk 
und'^r his embarrassments in January, 1765. 

The council invested the second son of Mir Jaffier with the 
viceroyalty, and installed Rez-Khan his prime minister, which 
was by no means agreeable to the new ruler ; nor were these 
arbitrary proceedings supported by Yansittart, who, upon their 
adoption, resigned, and was succeeded by Mr. Spencer. 

The Company's servants in India had hitherto been little 
controlled by the proprietary at home ; but the latter, alarine<! 
at the recommencement of hostilities in India, with a mutinous 
army and exhausted treasury, petitioned the Directors that 
Clive, who had been created a peer, should be appointed to the 
head of affairs, he being the only man who could extricatfa 
them from their difficulties. This was far from palatable to 
the Directory, Clive having, previous to leaving India, treated 
their authority with contempt, and sued them for the rental of 
his jaghire. But, after a warm discussion among the directors, 
16 



182 BRITISH INDIA. 

his appointment was carried by thirteen against eleven votes. 

Upon this he demanded, and was invested with, the authority 
of commander-in-chief, president, and governor of Bengal, and, 
with a committee of four nominated by the Directory, empovv* 
ered to act without consulting or being subject to the control 
of the council. 

The capture of Pondicherry raised Mohammed Ali, who wai 
the creature of the English, to the sovereignty of the Carnatic ; 
and the nabob soon felt that it was for their, not his own plea- 
sure and profit, he reigned. In a short time, however, the ad- 
ministration of the revenues of the Carnatic was determined 
upon. The nabob, although unwilling, could offer no opposi- 
tion, and was therefore compelled to submit. 

The custom of receiving or rather extorting presents, and 
the abuse of private trade, which had become great evils, were 
two things Clive immediately investigated, believing them 
fraught with danger to the Company, and pernicious to its 
servants. As a remedy for the first, he compelled both the 
civil and military servants of the Company to sign a declara- 
tion that they would not accept presents from the native princes 
under any pretext whatever. With the abuses in trade he 
found it more difficult to grapple; feeling that some sort of 
emolument was due to the Company's servants, their salaries 
being miserable and inadequate, he created a monopoly in salt, 
betel-nut, and tobacco, for the benefit of the superior servants, 
the profits to be apportioned to their respective grades. Though 
nc statesman would now be found to defend such a proceeding, 
he acted upon the principle, that the Company was a monopoly, 
'iiid that the servants were merely adopting the practices of 
iheir masters. 

The Nabob of Oude having placed himself at the mercy of the 
English, submitted to the terms of their dictation, by which he 
retained his dominions, excepting Korah and Allahabad 
These were transferred to the emperor, who, in consideration, 
promised not to interfere with his vassal, Bulwant Sing, Rajah 
of Benares, for having joined with and rendered the English 
good service during the war. Understanding well the abuses, 



THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 183 

under the name of free trade, that the Company's officers had 
perpetrated in Bengal, Orissa, and Behar, the emperor refused 
to negotiate upon the subject, and trade was not mentioned in 
the treaty ; but he was compelled to forego all arrears of revenue 
due from the Bengal province, and to cede to the Company the 
dewanee, or the right of collecting the revenue in Bengal, 
Bchar, and Orissa, on condition of receiving twenty-six lacs of 
rupees annually. 

To cover the heavy expenses which service in the field neces- 
sitates in India, the Company made an extra allowance to their 
officers, termed batta ; and upon the army marching to aid 
Mir Jaffier, he promised the officers double batta. But w hen 
the revenues of Bengal reverted to the Company, this was a 
charge that could be ill supported. Clive determined to 
remedy the evil, and issued an order to the effect that double 
batta should cease on the 1st of January, 1766, excepting in 
some few instances. 

Hereupon the officers determined, unless the double batta 
was restored, to resign their commissions simultaneously upon 
a certain day. Clive, having good information of what was 
proceeding, sent expresses to Calcutta and Madras for fresh 
officers, and arrested the principal conspirators. Many of the 
leaders, among others, General Sir R. Fletcher, were tried and 
dismissed the service. Fletcher, however, through family in- 
terest, was reinstated, and subsequently appointed to the com- 
mand of the forces at Madras. Clive would doubtless have 
more severely punished the promoters of this conspiracy, but it 
was considered uncertain at this period whether the Company 
had the power to enforce capital punishment upon Europeans. 

Clive's health at length failing him, he resigned his command 
and returned to England in the end of January, 1767, leavings 
affairs in the hands of the select committee, at the head of 
which was Mr Yerelst. 

The most extravagant expectations took possession of the 
proprietors of Indian stock, in consequence of Clive's acquisi- 
tions. Overlooking the vast outlay involved by his conquest, 
and the incidental expenses of upholding them, they outvoted 



184 BRITISH INDIA. 

the Directory, and declared the dividends should be Increased 
to twelve and a half per cent. This could not be effected with- 
out borrowing at an enormous interest ; and the interpositioQ 
of the ministry and parliament was solicited, which, much to 
the chagrin of both parties, canvassed the policy of allowing a 
trading company to exercise imperial power over a great and 
extending dominion. During the peaceful administrations of 
Mr. Verelst and Mr. Cartier, the revenues scarcely defrayed 
the expenses of government; notwithstanding which, the delu- 
sion as to the riches of India continued to prevail, although it 
was at the time well known that an expedition to depose the 
Ghoorka, and reinstate the Rajah of Nepaul, who had been de- 
throned by him, was abandoned in consequence of the want of 
funds, all the resources at control being required to arrest the 
impending dangers which threatened Madras. 

The control of the Carnatic, obtained by the capture of Pon- 
dicherry, involved the English in all the political intrigues of 
the Deccan ; and in their endeavor to obtain quiet possession 
of the Circars, they had to encounter the most hazardous war 
they had yet experienced in India. 

Salabat Jing, subahdah of the Deccan, had not miscalculated 
when he reckoned that the departure of the French under Bussy 
would jeopardize his safety : he was assassinated by the con- 
federates of his brother, Nizam Ali, who determined to main- 
tain his viceroyalty in the Deccan, and to re-establish his 
authority over the Carnatic. He invaded and laid desolate 
the country ; but made a precipitate retreat upon the advance 
of the English. When the Emperor Shah Alum ceded the 
Northern Circars to the English, the Deccan was esteemed a 
part of the viceroyalty ; but this Nizam Ali would not admit, 
and resisted all attempts to take possession of it, until the En* 
glish stipulated to pay him an annual tribute, and to assist hira 
when necessary with troops ; an undertaking which soon 
brought them into collision with Hyder Ali, the governor of 
Mysore. 

While the French and English were fighting in the Carnatic, 
Hyder had risen from a subordinate rank to the command of 



THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 185 

the array of Mysore ; and by subjugating the Nairs of Malabar, 
and taking possession of several small tracts of land in Southern 
India, established a principality for himself. According to 
their treaty with the Nizam, the English joined him in invading 
Jlyder All's territory, when that faithless auxiliary made peace 
witii ITyder, and turned his arms against the English, whom 
he intended betraying to Hyder ; but Colonel Smith, discover- 
ing his treachery, retreated to Trincomalee, having previously 
engaged the combined forces of these native princes. The 
Nizam, finding in several subsequent actions, that the English 
were invariably victorious, became alarmed, broke his treaty 
with Hyder, and again addressed the Presidency of Madras, 
who, elated with the prospect of territorial aggrandizement, 
and presuming Mysore to be easily subjugated, bestowed its 
sovereignty upon Mohammed Ali ; at the same time Colonel 
Smith, an experienced officer, was superseded in the command 
of the forces by the appointment of Colonel Wood, who was 
wholly destitute of knowledge in Indian warfare. This Hyder 
soon discovered, and defeated Wood, capturing ihe whole of 
his baggage. Subsequently, feigning to retreat, Hyder drew 
him from Madras; then, by forced marches, his son Tippoo, at 
the head of 6000 horse, appeared suddenly at the suburbs of 
the English capital. All was terror and confusion, amidst 
which Hyder was enabled to dictate terms of peace, which were 
agreed to. 

Shah Alum, impatient of restoration to the throne of Delhi, 
unavailingly urged the English to yield their promised assist- 
ance. His prayer being disregarded, he formed an alliance 
with the Mahrattas ; and by their aid easily reached his capital, 
rewarding his auxiliaries with the plunder of the country of the 
Rohillas. The emperor joined them in an attack upon Zabita 
Khan, whom, having deprived of the government of Delhi, he 
regarded with suspicion. Unable to withstand the imperialists 
and the Mahrattas combined, he was, after a spirited defense, 
defeated ; and his country, then in a most flourishing condition, 
was, despite the emperor's wishes, laid waste by the Mahrattas. 
The remainder of the Kohilla chiefs being alarmed, sought 
16* 



^86 BRITISH INDIA. 

their old enezLy, the subahdar of Oude, engaging to pay him 

thirty lacs of rupees upon his driving the common enemy from 
their country. At this period the Mahrattas quarreled with 
the emperor, and returned to Delhi, making him virtually a 
prisoner, and extorted from him the districts of Korah and 
Allahabad, after which they repaired to the Ganges, which 
they prepared to cross The subahdar of Oude, though ur- 
gently pressed, never afforded any assistance to the Rohillas; 
yet, when the Mahrattas retreated, he demanded the payment 
of the thirty lacs as stipulated. 

The subahdai' and Warren Hastings, who had now succeeded 
Cartier as governor-general, met at Benares in September, 
1773, and signed a treaty, by which the Emperor of Delhi and 
the Rohillas were sold to the subahdar. When Shah Alum 
joined the Mahrattas, the English held his conduct a justifica- 
tion for stopping the Bengal tribute. Hastings now went fur- 
ther. The districts of Korah and Allahabad he sold to the 
subahdar for fifty lacs of rupees ; and for an additional forty 
lacs, and the expenses of the troops employed, he agreed to as- 
sist in the extermination of the innocent and peacable Kohillas, 
Upon the subahdah demanding assistance. Colonel Champion, 
with a brigade, was dispatched to join iu the invasion, which 
ended in the total defeat of the Rohillas, and the fall of their 
general, Hafiz Rahmet Khan. The atrocities of this victory 
are almost unequaled ; but the terms of the treaty were ful- 
filled, and the conquered country, excepting a small tract, was 
assigned to the ruler of Oude. 

The three commissioners from England who had been dis- 
patched to enforce the new constitution which parliament had 
framed, arrived on the 19th of October, 1774; they, with Hast- 
ings and Barwell, were to form the executive. The first sub- 
ject discussed was the Rohilla w^ar, which the three newly- 
arrived councilors censured with undisguised severity. They 
likewise complained that the correspondence of Mr. Middleton, 
the political agent at Oude, was withheld. They then voted 
the agent's recall, the withdrawal from the subahdah of the 
forces, and immediate payment for their services. Suja-ed- 



THE EUR-OPEAN PERIOL. ISt 

Dowla dying at this time, the council insisted that his son and 
successor should be held to his engagements, deliver the coun- 
try of the zemindar of Benares to the Company, and augment 
the pay of the European brigade. Hastings ineffectually op- 
posed these measures, the councilors being supported by the 
home authority. 

Although in other parts, the Company had largely increased 
their territory, but little augmentation appeared in Western 
India. Bassein and Salsette, commanding the Bombay harbor, 
were Portuguese settlements until 1750. A dispute among the 
Mahrattas respecting the succession of the post of Peishwa, 
presented a favorable opportunity for the interference of the 
Bombay authorities, who supported the claims of the Ragonat 
Ras, and stipulated that Bassein and Salsette should be ceded 
vor this assistance. These terms were agreed to, and the En- 
glish garrisoned both places. An army was now sent to place 
Poonah, the Mahratta capital, in Ragonat's possession ; but 
orders arrived from the supreme council of Calcutta, disapprov- 
ing the Bombay policy, and commanding the abandonment of 
Ragonat. Upon which the English restored Bassein, with 
Bome territory in Gujerat, but retained Salsette and its tribu- 
tary islands. Shortly after this mandate from Calcutta, dis- 
patches from the Court of Directors arrived, highly approving 
the policy of the Bombay Presidency, which naturally tended 
to increase the existing confusion and jealousy. 

At this period the integrity of Warren Hastings was seri- 
ously impeached ; charges of peculation and corruption, which 
he vainly endeavored to suppress, were brought against him. 
The most important charge was that made by the Rajah Nnn- 
comar, who proved that his son Goordass, and Munny Begum, 
had paid for certain offices they held. The council, upon this 
evidence, ordered Hastings to refund the money; but he re- 
fused to acknowledge their authority, and returned no reply to 
their order. 

Nuncomar was, with others, indicted for conspiracy ; but the 
attempt failed. He was afterward, however, indicted for per- 
jury at the instance of an obscure native, and tried before the 



188 BRITISHINDIA. 

Supreme Court by a jury of Englishmen, when "he was convicted 
and t.anged. Perjury was not capital by any existing law ; 
and there now remains no doubt that the law was most shame- 
fully perverted, in order to get rid of a person objectionable to 
certain official parties. 

The death of one of the members of the council gave Hast- 
ings a majority ; but he had authorized a Mr. Maclean to con- 
vey to the Court of Directors his resignation, which was ac- 
cepted, and Mr. Wheeler named his successor. General Clav- 
ering, being senior member of the council, was empowered to 
officiate until Mr. Wheeler's arrival. Hastings, upon recon- 
sideration, refused to carry out his resignation, disavowing Mr. 
Maclean's proceedings, and insisted upon being recognized a3 
governor, threatening an appeal to arms. Eventually, how- 
ever, the matter was referred to the courts of law, which pro- 
nounced for Hastings, who immediately proceeded to reverse 
all the former acts of council, a step highly disapproved by 
the Court of Directors ; but to that Hastings paid no atten- 
tion. 

The Supreme Council having, by their interference, involved 
the authorities of Poonah and the Bengal government, it was 
proposed, in order to conciliate the Mahrattas, to give up 
Rajonat. Hastings, however, who recently censured the Bom- 
bay policy, now warmly advocated it, and ordered six battal- 
ions of sepoys, one company of artillery, and a corps of cav- 
alry, under the command of Colonel Leslie, to act in concert 
with the Bombay army, entrusted to Colonel Egerton, for the 
purpose of restoring Rajonat as Peishwa. 

The results of these expeditions were disgraceful to a degree. 
Egerton was worsted by the Mahrattas, retreated, and eventu- 
ally entered into a most humiliating" treaty for the safety of his 
forces. Leslie's hesitation and negotiations carried on with 
different chiefs led to the suspicion of dishonorable motives ; 
and the council, finding their orders disregarded, deprived him 
of his command, and appointed Colonel Goddard in his stead, 
who advanced into the interior of the Mahratta country, hoping 
to join the Bengal army, when he learned the disgraceful treaty 



•THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 189 

of Egerton, and, refusing to acknowledge it, led his army to 
Siirat, where Rajonat, having escaped from Poonah, joined 
him. 

Goddard, having command of the army, took the field in 
January, 3180, and shortly possessed himself of Dubhoy and 
Ahmedabad. The Mahrattas, by simulated overtures for 
peace and prolonged discussions, tried to overreach him by diplo- 
macy ; but their efforts were futile, for on the morning of April 
the 3d he surprised both Scindiah and Holkar in their oamp, 
routing their forces without loss on his side. 

Sir Eyre Coote, who, by Clavering's death, was appointed a 
member of the Supreme Council, arrived in Bengal as a treaty 
was concluded with Rana, a Hindoo prince, whose territory 
was on the Jumna, between Oude and Scindiah's country. 
This prince was shortly after invaded by the Mahrattas, whom 
he could not resist. But a small force, under Captain Pop- 
ham, was sent to the Rana, and expelled the Mahrattas from 
Gohud, driving them into their own country. This victory 
was succeeded by the capture of the fort of Gwalior, believed 
by the native princes to be impregnable. It w»as garrisoned 
by a thoUvSand picked soldiers; nevertheless Popham, on the 
3d of August, carried it by escalade ; and by this act struck so 
much terror into the Mahratta ranks, that they deserted the 
surrounding country. 

This war occasioned fresh quarrels between Hastings and 
Francis, who mutually accused each other of falsehood and 
fraud. Their differences resulted in a duel, in which Francis 
was wounded ; and it being evident that they could no longer 
act together, Francis returned to England. 

The position of the Company in the Carnatic was becoming 
somewhat critical. The imbecility of the nabob compelling 
the Madras government to employ British forces to protect 
the country, they accordingly insisted that he should defray 
their expenses. The inadequacy of his revenue compelled him 
to borrow at exorbitant interest ; and his embarrassments in- 
creased in proportion to the exactions of the lenders. At thi^ 
period, July, ITtO, Admiral Sir John Lindsay reached Madras, 



190 BRITISH INDIA. 

armed with*authority from the home government; and, acting 
in direct opposition to the Court of Directors and Madras ex- 
ecutive, recognized the nabob as an independent sovereign, and 
openly espoused his cause 

By virtue of the stipulation entered into between Hyder and 
the English in 1Y69, to afford mutual support, he applied for 
assistance in an insurrection against the peishwa, but vi^as re- 
fused. Again, in 1710, when the Mahrattas invaded Mysore, 
he demanded effectual support, offering three lacs of rupees to 
defray the expenses. Circumstances determined the English to 
avoid compliance until compelled ; they therefore evaded his 
demands, while the nabob, being stimulated by the Mahrattas, 
was anxious to form an alliance with them. The nabob's views 
were supported by Lindsay, and opposed by the council ; which 
ended in the recall of Lindsay, and the promotion in his stead 
of Sir Robert Harland, who also supported the alliance be- 
tween the nabob and the Mahrattas, but met with decided op- 
position at Madras. A peace was eventually concluded between 
the Mahrattas and Hyder, unfavorable to the latter, who ac- 
cordingly vented his anger against the English for their deser- 
tion of him. 

Little as the authorities were inclined to favor the alliance 
of the nabob with the Mahrattas, they were not disinclined to 
support him against the Rajah of Tanjore, who, having attacked 
the polygars, or chiefs, of the Marawar districts, was ordered 
to desist by the nabob from offering violence to his vassals. 
The rajah was obdurate ; when an army, under General Smith 
at Trichinopoly, was ordered to combine with the Carnatic 
forces, commanded by Omrah-al-Omrah, the nabob's son, and 
advance on Tanjore, the capital. This they invested, and 
made every preparation for an attack, having effected a breach ; 
but at the last moment, to the indignation of the English au- 
thorities, Omrah-al-Omrah informed Smith that he had con 
eluded a treaty with the rajah, and hostilities had ceased. 
Well knowing this arrangement could not be permanent, th€ 
English left their forces in the nabob's service, and retained 
the frontier town of Tanjore 



THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 191 

The nabob instantly demanded English assistance to subdue 
the very polygars upon whose behalf he had declared war with 
the Rajah of Tanjore ; and the government, without demur, 
joined in the expedition, which ended in the defeat of the 
Marawars. When this petty war was concluded, the nabob, 
upon the pretext that the late treaty had not been maintained, 
determined to attack Tanjore again ; which he did on the 20th 
of August 1773, and captured it on the 16th of the following 
December, taking the rajah and his family prisoners. 

The Court of Directors highly disapproved of this step, and 
Bent out Lord Pigot, with orders to restore him, which he ef- 
fected despite all opposition ; but was eventually arrested and 
placed in confinement by the majority of the council, and after 
eight months died in imprisonment. 

The government of Madras, on Pigot's death, was adminis- 
tered by Sir Thomas Rumbold, Mr. Whitehill, and Sir Hector 
Munro. Rumbold's first measure was to adopt new arrange- 
ments in the collection of the revenues of the Northern Circars, 
which, it was asserted, was for the corrupt gain of himself and 
his supporters ; this would appear to have been verified, as 
large sums were brought into Madras which never reached the 
treasury. 

It was agreed, in 1776, with the Nizam, that his brother, 
Salabat Jing, should retain the Circar of Guntur for life, or so 
long as the subahdar remained in friendship with the Com})any. 
But when it was found that Salabat Jing had enlisted a French 
force, a negotiation was set on foot, by which, for an annual 
sum, he ceded Guntur to the Company, and engaged to dismiss 
the French on receiving an English force, under General Har- 
per, to protect his country. The French passed from Salabat 
Jing into his brother the Nizam's service, who was jealous of 
this alliance with the English, and indignant at the refusal of 
the Madras council to pay the stipulated tribute for the posses- 
sion of the Northern Circars. The Supreme Council at Cal- 
cutta remonstrated against the impolicy of the Madras pro- 
ceedings, to which Rumbold replied in no measured terms j 
and, in order further to show his defiance, granted a leas« of 



192 BRITISH INDIA. 

Guntur to the nabob of Arcot for ten years. At length the 
Court of Directors, aroused to a sense of the true state of af- 
fairs, dismissed Rurabold and cne of his advisers from their 
service, and two others from their seats in the council ; severely 
reprimanding Sir Hector Mnnro, the commander of the forces, 
for his share in the late proceedings. 

Rumbold had, however, been guilty of faults of omission as 
^ell as of commission, some of which subsequently proved 
sources of great calamity. Hyder, who had really great cause 
of complaint against the Madras government, formed an alli- 
ance with the French ; and the governor of Pondicherry fur- 
nished him with arms, ammunition, and stores of every descrip- 
tion from the French settlement of Mahe on the Malabar coast, 
Rumbold was informed of this, but took no notice ; and while 
he treated Hyder with contempt, allowed the military estab- 
lishment at Madras to fall into miserable inefficiency. 

Intelligence being received at Bengal, in July, 1778, that 
war had broken out between England and France, it was deter- 
mined to capture the French settlements in India. Chander- 
nagore, Carical, and Masulipatara surrendered at once. Pondi- 
cherry capitulated after a vigorous defense, the garrison march- 
ing out with the honors of war. The defenses and fortifications 
were then destroyed. The small fort and settlement of Mahe 
was the sole spot left to the French in India ; this place Hyder 
had previously threatened in the event of its being invaded to 
revenge upon the Carnatic ; but despite this, and the defeats 
the British forces had formerly sustained in the Mahrstta coun- 
try, the government of Madras persevered, and Mahe was 
taken on the 19th of March, 1779, by Colonel Braithwaite, 
who, when ordered to join General Goddard at Surat, the fol- 
lowing November, destroyed the fort. Before Braithwaite 
had commenced his march for Surat, the chief of Tellicherry 
sought his assistance to avert the hostility of Hyder, who was 
offended in consequence of the former harboring a Nair chief 
who had displeased the ruler of Mysore ; whereupon Braith- 
waite moved his forces toward Tellicherry. 

The political atmosphere had for some time been getting 



THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 193 

more and more disturbed ; and at lenp^th, in November, 1799, 
the Nabob of the Carnatic gave the Madras executive warning 
tiiat Hyder, the Nizam, and the Mahrattas had united in a 
deteraiinatioQ to expel the English from India. The only 
nqed taken was in the following June, when Colonel Baillie, 
wlio then commanded the forces protecting Salabat Jing, was 
ordered to cross the Kistna in the event of disturbances in tiie 
Carnatic. On the 21st of July, Hyder crossed the frontier 
with an army of 100,000 men, and upward of 100 pieces af 
artillery, well manned ; he was counseled by M. Lally, the 
commander of the French force, a gentleman skilled in his pro- 
fession, and of high integrity. The English forces comprised 
6000 infantry, and 100 cavalry, to which the nabob's irregular 
horse and a few pieces of cannon were additions ; while the 
people were disaffected at the miserable and divided govern- 
ment of the Company and the Nabob. 

To add to existing perplexities, Munro was reluctant to 
command, and wished Lord Macleod, who had just arrived, to 
assume the management ; but Macleod declined risking his 
reputation in executing Munro's plans, doubting their judicious- 
ness. At length Monro, after ordering Baillie to join him at 
Conjeveram, marched from St. Thomas' Mount, persisting in 
encumbering himself with heavy artillery, although he had no 
fortifications to attack, and it was diflficult to find cattle to 
carry his provisions. 

Arcot was besieged by Hyder, and Munro felt anxious for a 
junction with Baillie's force, in order to relieve the place ; but 
on the 31st of August, he learnt that Baillie was stopped by 
the swelling of a river a few miles north of Trepossore, and the 
sume day that Hyder was moving on Conjeveram, having left 
Arcot. At Perarabaucam, fifteen miles from the main army, 
Baillie was attacked by Tippoo Saib, Hyder's son, with a very 
superior force, which was repulsed by the English ; but Baillie 
was so weakened, that, instead of advancing, he urgently re- 
qntsted Monro to push on with the main body to relieve him. 
Monroe, however, sent a detachment under Colonel Fletcher to 
join Baillie, who, believing further reinforcements would arrive 
IT 



IH BRITISH INDIA. 

left his position on the 9th of September, and, despite tho 
Ticinity of Tippoo's forces, continued his march during the 
night. In the morning, intelligence was brought into camp 
that Hyder, with all his strength, was advancing upon him. 
What courage and discipline could do, Baiilie's gallant baud 
accomplished ; and with the slightest assistance from Monroe, 
Hyder would have been defeated. As it was, left to himself, 
and losing two of his tumbrils by an explosion, Baillie found 
his forces reduced to 400 men, and at length exhibited a flag 
of truce. No sooner had they laid down their arms, quarter 
having been promised upon immediate surrender, than Hyder's 
troops rushed upon them, and would have murdered the whole, 
had not M. Lally and the French officers boldly and generously 
interferred, by which the lives of 200 men were saved. This 
disaster compelled Monro to retreat upon Madras, which he 
reached on the 13th of September. 

The council now began to regret the corrupt practices and 
indifference it had previously exhibited ; while its thorough des- 
titution of supplies and military appliances had no tendency 
to diminish the uneasiness of the authorities. But the governor- 
general, acting up to the exigencies of the occasion, proposed 
that fifteen lacs of rupees and a large detachment of European 
infantry and artillery should be sent to Madras ; that Sir Eyre 
Coote should command the army, and alone expend the money 
transmitted ; and that the governor of Fort St. George should 
be suspended. 

These orders were reluctantly obeyed by the Madras Coun- 
cil. On the 7th of November, Sir Eyre Coote took his seat in 
the Madras Council, and produced the decree deposing the 
governor, which was supported by the majority. Arcot having 
been captured, Coote proceeded to protect Yellore and Wande- 
wash, both being closely besieged and gallantly defended. 
Wandewash was abandoned upon the English approaching, 
who could not pursue their advantage. The arrival of a French 
fleet compelled them to march on Pondicherry, where the 
French inhabitants, hoping to recover their former position in 
India, bad enlisted troops and collected stores. Coote speedilj 



THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 19& 

disarmed thfe inhabitants, removed the stores, destroyed the 
boats, and marched on Cuddalore ; then threatened by Ilyder, 
whom lie endeavored to draw into an action, failing in which, h(s 
moved his army on to Trichinopoly, and on his way unsuccess- 
fully attacked the fortified | agoda of Chillingbram. His fail- 
ure encouraged Hyder to risk a battle, which terminated, after 
six hours' desperate fighting, iu the complete defeat of the 
Mysore army. 

Coote, being now joined by a body of Sepoys from Bengal, 
marched upon the enemy, who were strongly posted ; when 
Hyder's army nearly suffered a total route, which he had tact 
enough to declare a drawn battle, and marched toward Yellore. 
Coote followed, and once more defeated him, having surprised 
him in his camp. Hyder's cavalry were nearly all sacrificed in 
his anxiety to save his guns. After this engagement, Coote 
returned to Madras, having lost nearly one third of his forces 
in his severe engagements with Hyder. 

England and Holland being now at war, Lord Macartney, 
who had just arrived at Madras as governor, resolved on at- 
tacking the Dutch settlements in India, and commenced with 
Pulicat and Sadras, both of which places surrendered on the 
first summons. He then determined to attack Negapatam ; 
but here Coote's jealousy developed itself. He would neither 
march himself nor spare any of his troops ; upon which Lord 
Macartney collected the remainder of the forces in the Presi- 
dency, and gave the command to Munro, who displayed great 
energy and ability, and compelled the governor, in less than 
three weeks, to surrender. From thence a detachment waa 
Bent which took possession of Trincomalee, in Ceylon. 

The capture of Negapatam had no tendency to allay Coote's 
feelings ; and Lord Macartney experienced great difficulty in 
maintaining a semblance of good feeling while negotiating 
with the nabob. But the intelligence of the loss of Chittore, 
and the consequent exposure of Yellore, effected more. than 
either remonstrance or supplication. Coote took the field, 
though so ill that he was obliged to be carried iu a palanquin, 



196 BRITISH INDIA. 

and would not return until an apoplectie fit compelled him to 
quit the camp. 

The Madras detachment occupied Tellicherry after the cap- 
ture of Mahe, closely besieged by the Nairs, but was relieved 
by Major Abingdon, who arrived with a force from Bombay. 
The fortress was shortly afterward invested by a general of 
Hyder's, and Major Abingdon applied to Bombay for assist- 
ance, upon which he was ordered to evacuate the fort ; but 
upon a second application, was supplied with a considerable 
force. Abingdon now resolved to act on the offensive. In 
the night of the tth of January, 1782, he made a vigorous 
sally and attacked the enemy's camp, throwing it into such dis- 
order, that they fled in every direction, leaving their wounded 
leader a prisoner in the hands of the British. After destroy- 
ing the enemy's works and improving the fortifications of Telli- 
cherry, he marched against and captured Calicut, garrisoning 
it with English troops. 

During the preceding events, a secret expedition was planned 
and fitted out in England for offensive operations against the 
Cape of Good Hope and in the Indian seas. The designs and 
destinations of this armament were discovered by M. de Suflf- 
rein, the French commander, who followed the English with 
his squadron to the Cape de Yerd Islands, where, in Praya 
Bay, he attacked them, but was beaten oflf. The English, 
nevertheless, required so much refitting, Suflfrein having made 
the Cape previous to them, that he strengthened and improved 
its fortifications, so as to render the contemplated attack 
fibortive. 

Commodore Johnstone, who commanded the English squad- 
ron, having captured a number of Dutch East-Indiamen ia 
Saldanha Bay, returned home with his prizes, leaving a portion 
of his armament to proceed to India, with the troops on board. 
At this period General Meadows and Colonel Fullarton, with 
the strength of the army, sailed in search of Admiral Hughes 
on the Coromandel coast, while the remainder, under Colonel 
Mackenzie, sailed for Bombay. The latter learnt upon his 
arrival that Madras was in danger. He accordingly joined 



TXiE TiCROl'EAN PERIOD. ISj 

Abington at Calicut, and entering Hyder's territory, was sue* 
cessfiil in creating a diversion. 

M. de Suflfrein, having reinforced his fleet at the Isle of 
France, made for the Cororaandel coast : from whence, after aa 
indecisive action with Admiral Hughes, he retreated, and 
landed an army of 3000 men under M. Bussy at Porto Novo. 

These auxiliaries Tippoo hastened to join, he having just 
destroyed Colonel Braithwaite's force at Tanjore. Braithwaite,, 
whose little band consisted of 100 Europeans, 1500 Sepoys, 
and 300 cavalry, was encamped near the banks of the Cole- 
roon, in fancied security. But Tippo, with 10,000 cavalry, the 
like amount of infantry, 400 Europeans, and 20 pieces of can- 
non, surrounded him when least expected. For twenty-six 
hours Braithwaite fought and repulsed Tippoo ; but when M 
Lally, with his Europeans advanced, the Sepoys were dis 
heartened, fell into confusion, and victory declared against the 
English commander, who was made prisoner with the whole 
of his force. 

With the French reinforcement, Tippoo's designs became 
more enlarged ; and on the 3rd of April, Cuddalore, an excel- 
lent military and maritime station for the French, surrendered 
to him. Had the king's officers deigned to receive orders and 
advice from the Company's servants, this loss would have been 
prevented ; and upon several other occasions the like cause 
was seriously prejudicial to the public service. 

Disputes with the civil authorities, and absence of proper 
supplies, kept Coote in cantonments until the 17th of April. 
His first object was the protection of Parmacoil ; but on reach- 
ing Caranjoly, he learned its surrender. He then attempted to 
surprise Arnes, Hyder's principal depot ; but Tippoo removed 
the treasure while llyder engaged the English with a distant 
cannonade, and Coote fell back upon Madras. 

During his preparations to join the French fleet, and in re- 
taking Negapatam, Hyder amused Coote by pretending to 
negotiate. And it most fortunately happened that, as Suffrein 
was making for that place, Sir Edward Hughes fell in with and 
brought him to action. The engagement was most severe, and 
IT* 



198 BRITISH INDIA. 

victory was declaring ap:ainst the French, when a sudden shift 
of wind enabled Suffrein to bear off for Cuddalore, where he 
quickly repaired his vessels, and again put to sea. 

When the news of this action reached Madras, Lord Ma- 
cartney pressed Sir E. Hughes, as both Negapatam and Trin- 
coiufilee were threatened, to put to sea and protect thera ; but 
disinclination to receive orders from a Company's servant made 
the admiral obstinate, and he put to sea when more convenient 
to himself, on the 20th of August, three weeks after Suffrein 
had sailed from Cuddalore. The result may be anticipated. 
Trincomalee had surrendered three days before his arrival. 
Eager to avenge this loss, he immediately engaged the French 
fleet with an inferior force, and obtained a victory, but did not 
know how to profit by it. He disabled one of the French 
ships, and two others were so crippled that it took them ten 
days to get into harbor ; but Hughes made no attempt to cap- 
ture them, and returned to Madras. 

Tne monsoon coming on, Hughes determined to leave the 
coast of Coromandel and seek shelter in Bombay, notwithstand- 
ing Negapatam was attacked, and Bickerton on his way to 
join him with five sail of the line. Four days after Hughes's 
departure, Bickerton was in the Madras roads, when, ascertain- 
ing the admiral's movements, he followed him to Bombay. 
Sir Eyre Coote at the same time resigned the command of the 
army to General Stuart, a man as obstinate as himself, but of 
far inferior ability. Within a short period of his resignation, 
Coote was again attacked with illness, under which he sank 
in a few days. 

The governments of Bengal and Bombay having declared 
war against the Mahrattas, Goddard besieged Bassein, and 
sent Colonel Hartley to secure for the British the revenues of 
the Concan, and cover the besieging array. Hartley drove the 
Mahrattas from the Concan, taking a position near the Bhoro 
ghaut ; thence he retreated, on Doogaur before a host of the 
enemy. On the 10th and 11th of December, an army of 20,000 
Mahrattas attacked him. The result proved a complete vie 



THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 19S 

tory for the British, the Mahratta general being among the 
Blain. 

Bassein having surrendered, Goddard advanced on Poonah, 
wlience he soon returned, the Mahrattas following him and 
ravaging the country as he descended the ghauts. On the 
Bengal side, Popham had been superseded by Colonel Carnac, 
whose position was so critical, that he resolved, as a last re- 
source, to attack Scindiah's camp by night. The stratagem 
succeeded perfectly ; the enemy lied in every direction, most of 
their guns, elephants, and a quantity of ammunition, being left 
to the conquerors. Colonel Muir, who was Carnac's senior, 
then took the command ; shortly after which Scindiah, whose 
resources were exhausted, entered into a negotiation with 
him, and a treaty was concluded at Salbye, on the ITth of 
May, 1782. 

Reinforcements having been supplied to Colonel Mackenzie 
at Calicut, he opened the campaign in September, and took 
several forts ; but the capture of Palagatcherry was essential 
to perfect his success. This was, however, impossible without 
artillery, which he had been compelled to leave behind, wanting 
draught cattle ; upon which Colonel Macieod, who had been 
dispatched by Coote to take the command, retired to a camp 
a few miles distant, until his battering train should arrive. 
Through the negligence of the officer who conducted the re- 
treat, the baggage, stores, and ammunition were placed in the 
rear. This did not escape the enemy, who, when the main 
body had passed a narrow defile, made a sudden attack, and 
carried off the provision and greater portion of the ammunition. 
The sea-coast was now the only retreat the English could make 
Tippoo hastened after, and overtook them with 20,000 men ; 
but, as they retreated, they fought until Panrani was occupied 
by them. Here they with difficulty maintained their ground, 
and were anticipating a second attack, when Tippoo 's army 
was seen in full retreat, and in a few hours not one of his forces 
remained. The death of Hyder had reached Tippoo secretly, 
and caused the sudden movement, leaving the English force at 
full liberty. 




TIPPOO SAIB. 



CHAPTER III. 

F»OM THE ACCESSION OF TIPPOO SAIB AS SULTAN OF MYSORl 
TO HIS OVERTHROW AND DEATH AT THE SIEGE OP SERINQA- 
PATAM. A. D. 1782-1799. 



The enemy in vain endeavored to keep secret tte death of 
the old monarch. Lord Macartney was not long in ascertain 
ing the nature of the intelligence which had so promptly with- 
drawn Tippoo from the field ; and fully aware, of the confusion 
which invariably arises in all native states on an occurrence of 
this kind, wished to profit by the opportunity thus "presented 
to him, and urged General Stuart to attack the Mysorean army, 
which he rightly judged would be easily overthrown in the 
absence of their leader. Stuart, however, either did not credit 
the report of Ilyder's death, or disliking to expose himself and 
his troops at a time of year not usually one of action in that 
country, delayed operations until the season had changed j and 
(200) 



THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 201 

It was consequently February, in 1783, before he was in mo- 
tion. Stnart having thus lost this opportunity, withdrew the 
garrisons from Wandewash and Caranjoly, and blew up both 
forts ; then marching to Yallore, he heard that Tippoo was re- 
treating from the Carnatic, and had ordered the evacuation of 
Arcot. 

The necessity of establishing his hereditary authority, and 
repelling a formidable invasion of the Sikhs, obliged Tippoo to 
visit the western side of India. The English army, after hia 
pudden departure, divided ; the sepoys marching by land to 
Tellicherry, while the Europeans proceeded by sea to Merjee, 
where they were joined by General Matthews with a consider- 
able array, who passed the ghauts, took Bidnore and Ananpore, 
and compelled Mangalore to capitulate. 

The treasure found at these places Matthews refused to ap- 
ply in payment of the arrears due to the army, which Colonel 
Macleod, Colonel Mackenzie, and Major Shaw quitted, to com- 
plain to the authorities at Bombay, who superseded Matthews, 
and appointed Macleod in his stead. Returning by sea, these 
officers fell in with a Mahratta fleet ; and, ignorant of the 
treaty recently made, an engagement ensued, in which Macleod 
was wounded and made prisoner, Mackenzie mortally wounded, 
and Shaw killed. 

The army of Matthews being most injudiciously dispersed in 
smah detachments, gave Tippoo an opportunity for concen- 
trating his forces. Suddenly attacking Bidnore, he forced it 
to capitulate after a gallant resistance. Matthews, who com- 
manded the garrison, previous to surrendering, distributed the 
treasures in his possession among his soldiers, which Tippoo 
held to be a breach of the terras of capitulation, and made it a 
pretext for the imprisonment of Matthews, who was subse- 
quently assassinated ; his companions in arms were likewise 
subjected to long and rigorous confinement. After this action 
Tippoo invested Mangalore, a sea-port to which he attached 
great importance. 

The Madras army, being inactive, Sufifrein landed Bussy with 
a reinforcement at Cuddalore ; during which time Lord Ma- 



202 BRITISH INDIA. 

cartney in vain remonstrated with General Stuart against the 
impolicy of allowing the French to occupy a post so important. 
After several weeks, Stuart marched, but with so much reluc- 
tance, that he put his men over three miles a day only. In 
the mean time the fleet, which had been augmented, returned 
to Madras, and was sent to assist in the recapture of Cudda- 
lore. By the time Stuart arrived at Cuddalore, the French 
had erected several fortified points, which he attacked with 
partial success, but made no attempt to improve his victory. 

Affairs at sea were managed still worse. The English and 
French fleets engaged off Cuddalore. Suffrein was thoroughly 
defeated, but remained to repair, while the victorious admiral 
Bailed for Madras, which afforded Suffrein the opportunity of 
landing men from his fleet to reinforce Bussy, who attacked the 
English, but unsuccessfully. Bussy, undaunted, prepared for 
another attack, when intelligence arrived that peace was estab- 
lished between France and England. A cessation of hostilities 
was agreed upon, and Tippoo was invited by Bussy to join in 
the treaty ; the French soldiers in his service being at the same 
time recalled. The same messenger that brought intelligence 
of peace brought orders for General Stuart to appear before 
the governor and council of Madras, a summons he reluctantly 
obeyed : it was resolved he should be dismissed the Company's 
service. To this sentence he refused to submit, and was sup- 
ported by Sir John Burgoyne ; but Lord Macartney arrrested 
Stuart, and sent him in a few days to England. 

These errors and disgraces were retrieved by Colonel Ful- 
larton, who commanded in the southern districts. In the 
height of a victorious career, Stuart stopped and ordered him 
to join at Cuddalore ; while marching, he learnt of the armis- 
tice, and also of Tippoo's demonstration against Mangalore, 
and without further orders, he pushed on to Seringapatam. In 
his way he captured Palagatcherry and Coimbatore ; but re- 
ceived orders, on the 28th of November, to cease all offensive 
operations, and evacuate the places he had captured. 

FuUarton well knew Tippoo's treacherous nature, and de- 
layed executing the orders he had received j which foresight 



THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 203 

was amply yerified by his receiving directions on the 26th of 
the ensuing January, to renew the war. Tippoo would not 
listen to peace until the reduction of Mangalore, which he nad 
besieged upward of twelve months. A force was sent to re- 
lieve the place under Macleod, who, instead of doing so, ne- 
gotiated with Tippoo to be allowed to supply the garrison 
with provisions : the result of these delays was, that Campbell 
was obliged to capitulate, marching to Tellicherry with all the 
honors of war. 

A treaty of peace, embracing a mutual restitution of all cap- 
tured places, was signed on March 11th, 1784, and ratified by 
the Supreme Council at Calcutta during Hastings' absence, 
who wished subsequently to introduce modifications, which 
Lord Macartney honorably rejected. 

From the uncertain way in which the act of parliament was 
drawn up which created the Supreme Court, consisting of one 
chief and three puisne judges, a conflict ensued between it and 
the couticil, virtually involving the Company's right to the 
provinces acquired. The civil jurisdiction of the Supreme 
Court compassed all claims of the Company against British 
subjects, and of British subjects against the natives, presuming 
the parti'^s disputing acquiesced in appealing to its decision. 
In criminal cases it extended to all British subjects and ser- 
vants of the Company ; but the act did not define what con- 
stituted a British subject, and the judges classed, not only all 
the subjects of the Company, but even subjects of the native 
princes over whom the Company exercised any influence, as 
coming within its jurisdiction. The effects of this interpreta- 
tion were not, long before they manifested themselves. Writs 
were issued against the Zemindars by individuals for ordinary 
debts, upon which the defendants were ordered to appear at 
Calcutta ; if they neglected, they were arrested, or if, upon 
their arrival, they were unable to procure bail, they were ear* 
ried off to prison, where they remained pending the litigation 
of the suit. It had been the usage in India, in collecting the 
revenue, to exercise summary jurisdiction in cases of disputed 
payments, which power was vested in the provincial councils 



204 BRITISH INDIA. 

called Dewannee Adaulut, with which the Supreme Court soon 
interfered ; and when any summary process was enforced, the 
defendant was encouraged to take out a writ of habeas corpus 
in the Supreme Court, when the judges took bail for the ap- 
pearance of the parties, and liberated them. More than this, 
the Company ha4 reserved to the Nabob of Bengal the admin- 
istration of all civil cases. The Supreme Court, however, did 
not heed this reservation, and disputed its enforcement. Where- 
upon Mr. Hastings instituted a new court, the Sudder Dewannee 
Adaulut, and placed Sir Elijah Impey at the head of it. The 
office and emoluments being held during the pleasure of the 
governor and council, it was presumed that Impey would no 
longer support the pretensions of the Supreme Court against 
the Dewannee Adaulut, and w^ould effect a reconciliation be- 
tween the antagonistic courts. But the House of Commons 
censured these proceedings ; and Impey was recalled to an- 
swer several criminal charges. 

Hastings made some important alterations in the finance 
department. A revenue board was formed at the Presidency 
to superintend the collection and lease the revenues to the 
Zemindars. He then made i tour to the upper provinces; 
and, as the government was pressed in its finances, determined 
to obtain assistance from the Rajah of Benares and the Nabob 
of Oude. 

The Rajah of Benares, Cheyt Sing, paid a tribute upon re- 
ceiving protection of the Company ; and an addition was de- 
manded, which the rajah paid, stipulating that after the year it 
was not to be redemanded. It was, however, again demanded, 
and remonstrated against ; when an army was sent to enforce 
it, with £2000 besides, for the payment of the troops employed. 
The same proceeding was repeated the third year, with an 
additional fine of £10,000, although the rajah's agent had pre« 
sented the governor-general with two, lacs of rupees. Hastings, 
having determined on his line of proceeding, upon reaching 
Benares, refused Cheyt Sing an audience, and had him arrested 
as a defaulter ; when the population broke into the palace and 
3ut down the larger portion of Sepoys and their officers having 



THE EUROPEANPERIOD. 205 

custody of the rajah. The latter, in the confusion, escaped to 
the opposite bank of the river. Hastings, who was compara- 
tively wanting both in men and money, escaped to Chunar. 
Cheyt Sing, when all his offers of submission had been re- 
jected, raised a few troops, who, after encountering a severe 
defeat from the British troops, disbanded themselves ; and the 
cnfortunate rajah fled to Bundelcund, leaving his wife and 
treasure in the Bejygur fort, which was soon taken, and Cheyt 
Sing formally deposed. A grandson of the late rajah, Bulwant 
Sing, being declared the ruler of Benares, the tribute was raised 
to forty lacs, and the administration of the laws was placed 
under the control of the Company. 

Hastings next directed his attention to the Nabob of Oude, 
whose tribute was in arrear £1,400,000, the payment of which 
he intended to enforce. Previous, however, to any hostile dis- 
play, he appointed a fresh resident, named Middleton, at Luck- 
now, in direct opposition to the wishes of the Directory. 
Hastings instructed this official to proceed in his demands, 
although knowing the nabob's revenues had been eaten up in 
the support of the English forces he had been compelled to 
maintain. Middleton, however, was to look to another quarter 
for the deficiency. At this period there were resident at 
Lucknow, in possession of large revenues, two native princesses 
or begums, the mothers of the late and present nabobs, to 
whom Suja-ad-Dowla had bequeathed the larger portion of his 
treasure. These princesses, it was suggested by the nabob, 
were far richer than they should be, and were fair objects of 
plunder, under the plea that they had endeavored to excite re- 
bellion in favor of Cheyt Sing. They were accordingly vStripped 
of their revenues forthwith, through the instrumentality of the 
nabob, who, having invested their palaces, crowned his pro- 
ceedings by putting the chief and confidential attendants in 
irons, and threatening to keep them without food until the 
treasures of the princesses were yielded up. By means of thia 
violence half-a-million was extorted, which sum failed to pro- 
cure the release of the unfortunate captives for some months • 
indeed, not until it was manifest that the begums would surren- 
18 



206 BRITISH INDIA. 

der nothing further, were their attendants liberated. Hastings' 
share in these proceedings was rewarded by a present of 
£100,000 from the nabob, which he asked the Con-pany's per- 
mission to accept as a reward for his services. 

The sums of money thus obtained — whatever may be thought 
of their source — were undoubtedly the means of saving the 
( Jarnatic, and probably of preserving the British empire in the 
l^Jast. The sinews of war thus fortunately supplied, enabled the 
campaign in the Carnatic to be pushed on with renewed vigor, 
and finally ended in the complete overthrow of all their enemies 
in that quarter — a consummation that no doubt soothed the 
great man's mind during after annoyances and persecutions. 

Having thus consolidated the British power in India, and 
having, during the two years of peace which followed the wars 
in the Carnatic, placed the revenues and general administra- 
tion of the country in a sounder and more efficient state, the 
governor-general tended his resignation, and in the early part 
of 1*785 embarked for England. Seldom, if ever, has any man 
quitted the shores of India so universally admired and beloved 
as did Warren Hastings. Military men, civilians, and natives, 
all united by one common consent in regretting the departure 
of the man who, after a thirty years' residence and fourteen 
years' rule, had endeared himself to all sections of the com- 
munity. 

The East India Company having received formal intimation 
that their charter would expire in three years from the 25th of 
March, 1180, great interest was excited regarding the princi- 
ple of its renewal. The political events and charges of pecula- 
tion and oppression laid against the Company's servants in no 
wise favorably influenced either the public or parliamentary 
feeling ; while Lord North, the minister, held it as the law of 
the constitution, that acquired territory belonged solely to th© 
crown. This was spiritedly opposed by the Company ; and 
Lord North, whose administration was extinct in 1782, prom- 
ised an extension of the charter, with this one further condi- 
tion, that all dispatches received by the directors from theif 



THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 



aoT 




OBORQE III. 



fervants in India, should be open to the inspection of the 
minister. 

The Marquis of Rockingham, a known antagonist to the 
East India Board, succeeded North ; but his death shortly 
afterward placed the Earl of Shelburne, since the Marquis of 
Lansdowne, at the head of affairs. Fox, who was greatly hurt 
at being passed over, left the cabinet, and joined North in the 
opposition which defeated the Shelburne administration ; and, 
to the annoyance of George III., brought about the celebrated 
Coalition Ministry. Fox soon introduced a bill for the better 
government of India, which proposed vesting the patronage of 
the directory and proprietary in seven commissioners appointed 
by the legislature ; and also proposed measures for affording a 
more creditable local government to India. Calumny and interest 
represented his efforts as a means of personal aggrandizement, the 
seven commissicners being represented as ready instruments in 
his hands for ruling India. The House of Commons, whose 



208 BRITISH INDIA. 

select committees had made valuahle reports upon Tiidin, were 
uninfluenced, and passed the bill by large majorities. Its fa'it> 
was different in the House of Lords ; for there the king, actii/g 
most unconstitutionally, authorized Lord Temple to state that 
he should personally regard every man as his enemy who sup- 
ported the bill; which was consequently thrown out by a ma 
jority of eight, the numbers on division being eighty-sevea 
Against seventy-nine. 

Shortl} after, Pitt, as prime minister, introduced and carried 
his India bill, and established the Board of Contr' i, composed 
of six privy councilors chosen by the king; whose powers, as 
Iheir title implies, authorize them to check and control the 
most important functions of the Company. 

Upon the departure of Hastings, the senior member of 
Council, Mr. Macpherson undertook the government, which 
he conducted with great ability, and much to the satisfaction 
of the Directors. 

After some delay in the nomination of a successor to Hastings, 
the Court of Directors appointed Lord Cornwallis to the vacant 
office ; and that nobleman arrived in Calcutta and assumed the 
reins of government in September, 1186, taking at the same 
time the command of the forces in India. 

Promising as were the appearances of the political horizon 
at this juncture, the new governor-general soon found it as 
difficult to maintain peace as had his predecessor. The first 
symptom of approaching troubles was by an act of Tippoo, 
Sultan of Mysore, who on some pretense invaded the dominions 
of the Rajah of Travancore, an ally of the English, and suc- 
ceeded in introducing a portion of his army within the in- 
trenched lines of the rajah's fortifications. The resolute daring 
of a small body of Nairs, however, turned the fortune of the 
day ; and Tippoo had the mortification of beholding his numer- 
ous troops flying before a mere handful of Hindoo warriors. 
The sultan himself had some difficulty in escaping with his life, 
BO hotly was he pursued by the resolute band of Nairs. 

Tippoo endeavored to persuade Lord Cornwallis that it was 
an unauthorized attack of his troops ; his lordship,, knowing 



THE EUROPEAN PERIOD, 



209 




LOKD C0RNV7ALLIS. 



hr» adversary's character, negotiated treaties with the Nizam 
and the Mahrattas at Poonah, to control the restlessness of 
Tippoo, who meanwhile renewed his assault upon the lines of 
Travancore, which he carried on the Tth of May, 1*790, razed 
them, and desolated the country. This attack was met by the 
advance of General Meadows with the Madras array on Coim- 
batore, and thence to the interior of the Mysore country ; while 
General Abercrombie with the Bombay army descended by the 
Malabar coast on Tippoo's territory. The campaign was 
terminated in Tippoo's favor, Meadows having ineffectually en- 
deavored to draw him into a general engagement, which he 
dexterously avoided, and captured several depots well supplied 
with stores and provisions. 

The necessary arrangements having been completed, Com- 
wallis personally opened the second campaign, and reached 
the pass of Mooglee before his enemy could offer any resist- 
ance. On the 5th of March, IT 91, the English arrived before 
18* 



210 BRITISH INDIA. 

BaLgalore. Colonel Floyd, on the next morning, with a strong 
detachment, unexpectedly fell in with Tippoo's army, and 
rashly ordered an immediate attack ; which would probably 
have been successful, had not a severe wound prevented hin 
fj'om directing the operations. The retreat was covered by 
Major Gowdie, who with a few guns effectually checked the 
pursuit. Cornwallis, on the night of the 21st of March, though 
the sultan and his army were in sight of the town, attacked 
and captured Bangalore, when a terrible slaughter ensued, 
upward of 1000 of the besieged falling during the storming. 
The possession of Bangalore did not produce the advantages 
anticipated ; there were scarcely any prdvisions, stores, or 
draught cattle ; and the Nizam's contingent was worthless. 
But the governor-general, undaunted, advanced upon Seringa- 
patam, having previously ordered an invasion of Mysore on the 
Malabar side by the Bombay army. Tippoo was defeated ; 
but the want of supplies and increasing sickness compelled 
Cornwallis to retreat, with the loss of his battering train and 
stores. The Mahrattas joined his lordship a few days after 
this loss, well supplied with draught cattle and provisions; 
but the season was too advanced for active operations, and 
the army retreated to Bangalore. 

The third campaign having been well prepared for, was 
opened with spirit, detachments securing the hill-forts which 
protected the passes into the Mysore country. Amongst the 
captures was the celebrated Savendroog, which, from its 
natural position and artificial advantages, appeared impreg- 
nable ; but was taken by storm on the 21st of December; and 
Octadroog, a fortress almost as strong, fell a few days later. 

A detachment under the command of Captain Little, sent 
to aid the Mahrattas, obtained great advantages over tho 
enemy ; his allies, however, instead of assisting, proved an in- 
cumbrance. With too men he attacked a stronoflv-fortified 
camp of the Mysorean army, consisting of 10,000 men, whom 
he routed, capturing their guns and stores. After this fell the 
fortress of Lemoga, opening a portion of Tippoo's territory 
till then free from the ravages of the war. The Mahrattas, 



THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 3il 

instead of advancing to support General Abercrombie, wh^ 
reached the top of the ghauts on the Malabar side, made a 
miserable attempt on Prednore, for the sake of plunder, thus 
interfering with the plan of the campaign, and causing the fall 
of Coimbatore before the Mysore army. The capitulation 
being flagrantly violated, Lord Cornwallis refused to listen to 
Tippoo's solicitations for peace. 

On the 5th of February, 1792, reinforcements from Hydera- 
bad having arrived, the governor-general advanced to lay siege 
to Seringapatam. On the 6th, in the evening, the troopa 
having been dismissed from parade, were ordered to fall in 
again with their arms and ammunition. By eight all was com- 
pleted for a surprise on Tippoo's fortified camp, the army ad- 
vancing in three columns. Tippoo's army, which consisted of 
50,000 infantry and 6000 cavalry, under his own command, 
were routed ; and their assailants, after storming several bat- 
teries, obtained a defensible position before the dawn of morn- 
ing. At daybreak hostilities were more fiercely renewed, the 
fortress opening a destructive fire on the redoubts captured by 
the English, and vigorous attempts were made to recover their 
lost positions ; but Tippoo's soldiery were beaten in every 
direction, and the battle terminated on the evening of the tth ; 
535 men were killed and wounded upon the English side ; but 
the adverse army sufi'ered to the extent of upward of 4000. 
General Abercrombie joined Lord Cornwallis nine days after 
with an augmentation of 2000 Europeans and 4000 native 
troops. 

On the 24th, Tippoo yielded to his fate, and most reluctantly 
eigncd a treaty, by which he bound himself to give up one- 
half of his territories to his conquerors, pay three crores unci 
twc lacs ot rupees as tlie expenses of the war, and to surrender 
two of his sons as hostages for the performance of tliese stipn 
lations. 

Tippoo evinced great disinclination to complete his promise^ 
notwithstanding his sons were in the English camp. The in- 
dependence of the Kajah of Coorg was most objectionable to 
bim ; and it was not until he found preparations were being 



212 BRITISH INDIA. 

made for a renewed attack, tihat he submitted on the ] 9th of 
March, when his hostages delivered in the definitive treaty. 
Upon the conclusion of this treaty, Lord Cornwallis took pos- 
session of all the French settlements in India, the revolution 
in France having brought on a war with England and that 
country. 

The charter of the East India Company met with but little 
opposition or discussion when renewed in 1793. At this 
period Sir John Shore, a civil servant of the Company, was 
appointed successor to Lord Cornwallis ; whose financial and 
judicial measures, especially the Permanent Settlement, had 
proved far from advantageous to those whom he really intended 
to benefit ; hence Shore's appointment, who was well acquainted 
with the financial administration of India. 

The treaty between the English, the Mahrattas, and the 
Kizam did not provide for the possibility of disagreement 
among the contracting parties, which soon afterward occurred. 
The Mahrattas were desirous of grasping the spoils of the 
Nizam, and at the same time apprehensive of the increasing 
power of the English. Their chief, Scindia, openly expressed 
his dissatisfaction, and at the same time made no hesitation in 
asserting that Tippoo should be strengthened as a necessary 
opposing power to the English. His death, shortly afterward, 
prevented this formidable combination from taking place ; 
upon which the Nizam, believing the court of Poonah to be in 
a state of confusion, hastily invaded the Mahratta territory, 
but was encountered by a body of troops near Kurdla, where 
an action took place, from which the Nizam and his officers 
fled, leaving his army to suffer a total rout. The Nizam shel- 
tered himself in the fort of Kurdla for two days ; at the end 
of which time he submitted to his enemies' conditions. The 
Company refused upon this occasion to allow the British in 
the Nizam's service to join him ; and upon his return he dis- 
missed them, and appointed a French officer to discipline his 
troops. This gave the English great uneasiness ; and not less 
so from the fact of the attempt of some French officers to 



THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 213 

escape from Madras, and the desertion of several sepoys from 
the Madras to the French service. 

Sir John Shore, desirous of effecting a reconciliation with 
Tippoo, immediately the terms of the treaty were fulfilled, de- 
livered up his sons with due honors. But the sultan, as re- 
vengeful as proud, declined to meet Shore's advances, treating 
the officer who accompanied his sons with great coolness, and 
refusing a second interview with him. 

The extravagance and incapacity of the nabob had produced 
lamentable effects in Oude, to which a disputed accession upon 
bis death added considerably ; his brother claiming the throne, 
asserting the nabob's reputed children to be the offspring of 
others. The governor-general, until visiting Lucknow, favored 
the pretension of young Yizir Ali ; but whilst there he ob- 
tained such information, that he confirmed the claims of Sadat 
Ali, the late nabob's brother, who was proclaimed on the 21st 
of January, 1798. 

In the Carnatic, affairs were not more promising than those 
of Oude. Lord Hobart, governor of Madras, endeavored to 
prevail upon the nabob to renounce his authority ; but the 
governor-general refusing to allow any intimidation, all his en- 
deavors on this point failed. But if unsuccessful with the 
nabob. Lord Hobart proved otherwise with the Dutch ; for 
immediately on receiving the news of the outbreak of war be- 
tween England and Holland, he took possession of Ceylon, 
Malacca, Banda, and Amboyna, all Dutch settlements, with 
scarcely a struggle. Shortly after, he was superseded by Iiord 
Clive as governor of Madras ; and Sir John Shore being 
elevated to the peerage as Lord Teignmouth, sailed for En- 
gland, having resigned the governor-generalship. 

The affairs of India were now placed under the control of 
Lord Mornington, who assumed the office of governor-general 
on the Itth of May, 1798. Shortly after his arrival, he re- 
ceived the copy of a proclamation, issued by the French gov- 
ernor of the Mauritius, certifying that Tippoo Sultan h?d sent 
two officers to propose an offensive and defensive alliance with 
the French j and soliciting soldiers to drive the English oat of 



214 BRITISH INDIA. 

Southern India. The document also requested the citizens to 
enlist, for which Tippoo would pay handsomely. This was at 
first considered a forgery ; but, upon its proving genuine, no 
alternative appeared to be left, and accordingly war was de- 
clared against Tippoo. 

General Harris, the governor of Madras, could not respond 
with promptitude to the orders of Lord Mornington, owing to 
the embarrassed state of the finances of his presidency, as well 
as to the opposition offered to the war by several of the lead- 
ing men of the government. Little activity prevailed, there- 
fore, until the arrival of Lord Clive. At this critical period 
fortune favored the English in a direction in which they had 
very little reason to look for it. The French soldiery, whom 
the Nizam had engaged when he dismissed the English troops, 
were disbanded, and in such a state of insubordination and dis- 
satisfaction, that their ofiicers gladly entered the English lines 
for protection ; the place of these rebellious troops being again 
occupied by the British battalions formerly in the Nizam's 
service. 

In November a remonstrance was forwarded by the gover- 
nor-general to the sultan ; and be immediately afterward pro- 
ceeded to Madras, where all arrangements were completed for 
the campaign. Generals Harris and Stuart commanded the 
armies of the Carnatic and Bombay ; and the latter was or- 
dered to join Harris as he advanced on Seringapatam. On 
the 6th of March General Harris had invaded Tippoo's coun- 
try, taking a few hill-forts. The Nizam's troops were at this 
time commanded by the Hon. Col. Arthur Wellesley, subse- 
quently Duke of Wellington, just entering upon his military 
career. Tippoo gave out reports that the Bombay army was 
the first contemplated object of his attack ; but meanwhile he 
marched 200 miles in an opposite direction to intercept Col. 
Montressor at Sedasser, who had three battalions of sepoys 
under him. Accident frustrated his intentions ; for, on the 
evening of the 5th of March, the Rajah of Coorg, who had been 
entertaining Montressor and his English officers, conducted 
them to the heights of Sedasser for the purpose of viewing the 




COL. WELLESLEY, AFTERWARD DUKE OF WELLINGTON. 

(216) 



THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 217 

Mysore country, when, to their astonishment, in the plain be- 
low, they discerned Tippoo's encampment. Montressor took 
every precaution time and place would allow for defense, and. 
sustained Tippoo's attack the next morning most gallantly. 
In the afternoon General Stuart arrived and relieved him from 
his perilous position. Tippoo having exhausted himself in the 
effort to prevent the junction, his troops became disheartened, 
and fled in every direction, throwing down their muskets, 
swords, and turbans, and inded every thing that impeded their 
flight. 

Tippoo neglected several favorable opportunities for attack- 
ing the army of the Carnatic, but at length changed his plans, 
and determined upon engaging at Mallavely. The plan of 
attack was, for three hundred picked men, under the command 
of Tippoo's councilor, Poorniah, to charge and break the right 
wing of the English ; upon which Tippoo was to pour his en- 
tire cavalry upon the weakened part, and cut through the 
army, and thus, by dividing, destroy it. But Poorniah's de- 
tachment was discovered in time ; and the Scotch brigade, or- 
dered to receive the attack, were strictly enjoined to withhold 
their fire until the enemy were close upon them. Scarcely had 
they formed, when the three hundred men rushed from the 
jungle ; steadily obeying their orders, the Scotch, with na- 
tional coolness, waited the word to fire, which Harris timed 
BO judiciously, as to lay forty men and horses on the ground 
at the first discharge. Harris then advanced his right wing ; 
but Tippoo's soldiers, discouraged by the failure of the first 
onset, retreated rapidly ; of which advantage could not be 
taken, owing to the want of means for transporting the artillery 
and stores. 

The left wing, under Wellesley, was even more successful. 
Tippoo's troops, thrown into confusion by the close and steady 
fire he maintained, were charged at an opportune moment with 
great slaugtter and the loss of six of their standards. The 
comparative losses in this battle were, on the English side, 
sixty-six men killed, wounded, and missing j while Tippoo 
Buffered to the extent of two thousand. 
19 



218 BRITISH INDIA. 

Harris now prepared to cross the Cavary, near Soosilly, if 
practicable, and attack Seringapatam on the west side, in order 
to facilitate the junction of the Bombay army, and obtain the 
requisite supply of grain expected through the western passes. 
This movement, unexpected by Tippoo, tilled him with alarm. 
On the 5th of April the English army were before Seringa- 
patam. In the evening. Colonels Shaw and Wellesley were or- 
dered to attack a watercourse and tope, or clump of trees, 
forming an outpost of the enemy ; through som^e confusion, 
owing to the darkness of the night, Wellesley was unsuccessful, 
barely escaping with life ; and, by some mischance, was to(S 
late the next morning to take the command for a renewed 
assault upon the post, which was then carried in twenty 
minutes. 

The siege steadily advanced, several breaches having been 
made, until the day of assault, the 4th of May. At one o'clock 
in the day, the usual Indian hour of repose, Syed Goff har. Tip- 
poo's best general, sent word to the sultan that an attack was 
about to be made ; but Tippoo's faith in astrological predic- 
tions overweighing the general's warning, he refused to listen 
to the message ; and while Syed was deliberating upon the an- 
swer, he was killed by a cannon shot. At half-past one Gen- 
eral Baird stepped from the trenches, sword in hand, and gave 
the orders to advance. In seven minutes the English colors 
were planted and floating at the summit of the breach. The 
storming divisions, as they ascended, wheeled to the right and 
left, fighting along the northern and southern ramparts, every 
inch of which was bravely defended by the Mysoreans. Thou- 
sands fell ; and the slaughter terminated only when the two 
storming parties met on the eastern rampart. Tippoo's palace 
alone remained to be captured, the surrender of which was 
withheld in consequence of the uncertainty of its master's fate. 
He had fallen in the thickest and hottest of the fight, shot in 
three places by musket balls. It was late in the evening before 
Tippoo's body was discovered ; and on the ensuing day it was 
placed in the tomp of Hyder Ali, the highest military honors 
being paid to the deceased sultan. Tippoo's family were im 



THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 



219 







DEATH OF TIPPOO SAIB. 



mediately taken under the protection of the English, and 
treated with every respect dne to their exalted station 

Thus fell one of the most cruel and implacable enemies the 
British had ever encountered in India. His love of war ap- 
peared to have its origin in the misery and ruin it carried in 
its train. An enemy to the human race, he seemed to take 
especial pleasure in exercising his ferocity upon such English 
prisoners as fell into his power. Death by the sword -vas con- 
sidered a fortunate termination to their existence, even when 
safety had been guaranteed by capitulation j and many were 



220 



BRITISH INDIA. 



xhe cold-blooded atrocities revealed when his death unloosed 
the tongues of his oppressed people. 

His name signifies a tiger j and so attached was Tippoo to 
these savajj^e animals, types of his own ferociaus character, that 
he kept numbers of them about his palace, and often made them 
his executioners. One of his favorite toys is still to be seen, 
though sadly disarranged, in the East India Company's museum 
in Leadenhall street, London. It consists of the figure of a 
tiger in the act of tearing a European to pieces ; on turning a 
handle, some mechanism in the inside moves the jaws and limbs 
of the animal, and at the same time emits sounds intended to 
represent the growls of the tiger mingled with the groans of 
the dying man. 




CIRCASSIANS. 



J f 














CHAPTER ly. 

FROM THE DISMEMBERMENT OP THE MYSOREAN KINGDOM, TO 
THE TERMINATION OF THE FIRST MAHRATTA CAMPAIGN. 
A. D. 1199-1806 



The death of the tyrant Tippoo was followed by the occupa- 
tion of the numerous strongholds of the Mysorean country^ 
which at once fell into the possession of the British com- 
mander. 

Colonel Wellesley was appointed governor of Mysore, and 
assumed charge of Seringapatam, much to the annoyance of 
General Baird, who, as his senior in years and service, had 
calculated on the post. How far the relationship of the young 
commander to the governor-general may have exercised an in- 
fluence in this arrangement is little to the purpose, since it 
afforded Wellesley an opportunity for displaying those admin- 
istrative and military talents which were at a future period 
destined so greatly to distinguish him. He succeeded most 
completely in restoring order and security throughout his gov- 
ernment, and earned for himself at once the approval of his 
superiors, and the respect and attachment of the natives of the 
country. 

19* (221) 



222 BRITISH INDIA. 

The governor-general, in the distribution of the late sultan's 
territcry, determined that his family should be no participators 
in it ; he nevertheless apportioned them an extremely liberal 
annuity, with a residence in the fort of Vellore. That part uf 
Ivl^'Sore approximating to the former capital was created a 
principality for the Hindoo rajahs who had been deposed by 
Hyder Ali. The Nizam had several rich districts, whilst the 
English kept Seringapatam and the mountain passes and forts. 
A small portion was set apart for the Mahrattas as allies, al- 
though their forces had not joined during the war. 

Lord Morniugton being now comparatively unfettered, di- 
rected an expedition against the Isle of France, which had for 
years been the rendezvous of several buccaneering vessels, the 
captains of which had openly carried on attacks upon British 
commerce. The island being deemed also a very favorable 
point for assembling an enemy's fleet, its tenure was held to be 
indispensable. Colonel Wellesley was accordingly commanded 
to prepare an armament for the capture of the place ; and Ad- 
miral Rainier, who commanded in the Indian Ocean, was or- 
dered to Trincomalee to co-operate in the attack. This order 
the admiral refused to execute or join in such an expedition with- 
out instructions from England. Whatever the admiral's mo- 
tives, the results were most disastrous ; for these privateers con- 
tinued, during the subsequent wars, to levy tribute upon tho 
commerce of the Indian seas with impunity. 

Being foiled in this, the governor general projected an attack 
on Batavia with the forces at Ceylon ; but orders from Englarid 
directed him to send a body of troops into Egypt to expel the 
French ; and thus, for a time, the attack upon the Dutch set 
clement was delayed. The tfoops at Ceylon were accordingl} 
dispatched to Bombay, and joined by some native infanty ii 
readiness for foreign service. The combined body was com 
manded by Baird, and sent by the Red Sea to Egypt ; but thi 
French had capitulated before its arrival, and it therefore took 
no share in the honors of the campaign. 

The ni2:am being unable to protect himself without the 
British contingent in his service and the governor-general ap- 



THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 223 

prehensive that the Mahrattas would invade his coniilry, ar- 
rangements were entered into between them that certain dis- 
tricts should be assigned to the English for the maintenance 
of his auxiliaries. This was rendered necessary by the incon- 
siotencies and jealousy of the nizam's court, some portions of 
whom endeavored to persuade him to dismiss these forces, and 
rely upon his own enlistments. The acquisition of new terri- 
tory was ill opposition to the act under which the Company 
held their authority ; but the prudence of the policy pursued 
prevented any objection to this infringement. Indeed, the 
court of Hyderabad presented such a scene of corruption, im- 
becility, and profligacy, that, had the nizam surrendered all his 
power and dominion, little opposition would have been offered, 
even by the greatest opponents to the East India Company. 

During, and indeed for some time previous to the war with 
Tippoo, Shah Zeman, the Afghan sovereign, had threatened 
an invasion of India, which enterprise Tippoo urged him to 
undertake, persuading him that the attempt would be joined 
by all the Mohammedans in India. Tippoo's advice so well 
reconciled itself to Shah Zeman's wishes, that he invaded the 
Punjab in 1795 ; but a rebellion at home compelled him, in less 
than a fortnight, to recross the Indus. His second attempt 
was in January, HOT, wheu he advanced to Lahore, and, by 
mediation, made a successful impression upon the Sikhs and 
their chieftains. These people were originally a quiet, inoffen- 
sive sect, having a mixed creed of Mohammedan and Hindoo 
tenets, but had become a warlike and independent people, 
owing to the cruel persecutions inflicted upon- them by the 
emperors of Delhi. The efforts of Shah Zeraan to conciliate 
the Sikhs were, however, opposed by the Mohammedan 
priests following his army, and the licentiousness of the army 
itself, which he could not suppress ; despite these, however, he 
continued to hold the Punjab, and prepared for an attack upon 
Delhi. The occupation of Lahore by the Afghans, produced 
a sensation throughout India. The weakness of the Mahrattas, 
and the incapacity of the nabob's government, predisposed the 
populace to revolt ; and the Kohilla chiefs, ready to avengo 



224 BRITISH INDIA. 

the harshness suffered at the hands of Warren Hastings, wero 
soon in arms. It required but the further advance of Shah 
Zeman to have matured these elements of discord, which would 
probably have gone far to have annihilated the power of the 
British in India. 

His brother, Prince Mohammed, having headed a rebellion, 
Shah Zeman was again compelled to return in the summer of 
1T9T, threatening another and early invasion. He returned to 
Lahore in the ensuing year ; but the Persians attacking his do- 
minions, he was forced to quit India in order to protect his 
own territory. This presenting an extremely favorable oppor- 
tunity, the governor-general sent an embassy to the Shah of 
Persia, and negotiated an offensive and defensive alliance ; 
which, however, was of little use, for Shah Zeman, in 1801, 
was dethroned and imprisoned by his brother. 

The affairs of Oude, under Lord Teignmouth's arrangement, 
had proved most unsatisfactory. The nabob being irregular in 
the payment of his subsidies, his army harassed the people 
much more effectually than it could protect them against an 
enemy ; while his civil government was a mass of corruption. 
These circumstances induced the Marquis of Wellesley, formerly 
Lord Mornington, to correct the abuses existing in Oude ; to 
which he was also prompted by the irruption of Shah Zeman, 
the effect of whose occupation of Lahore was not lost sight of. 

Another circumstance determined a prompt line of action. 
Yizir Ali, after his deposition, was permitted by Sir John 
Shore to reside at Benares ; but this place being considered 
too close to his former sovereignty, it was determined to re- 
move him to Calcutta: to this he objected. On the 14th of 
January, 1199, he called on and complained in very indiscreet 
language to the resident, Mr. Cherry ; while the latter was re- 
monstrating with him, the vizir started from the ground and 
struck him with his sword, upon which his companions rushed 
on and murdered the unfortunate gentleman. Four other En- 
glishmen were similarly butchered ; but a fifth so effectually de- 
fended himself, that assistance arrived, upon which Ali and his 
fellow assassins fled from the spot Yizir Ali immediately col- 



THE ETROPEAN PERIOD. 225 

lected a body of adventurers, who speedily deserted him upon 
some slight reverses. He then sought the protection of a Raj- 
poot chieftain, who surrendered him to the British. 

Colonel Scott was now dispatched to the Nabob of Oude, 
with instructions authorizing him to demand the immediaio 
dismissal of the nabob's native troops, and theii* replacement 
by a British army, retaining such as were acquainted with ttie 
mode of collecting the taxes. The nabob delayed as long aa 
possible, when he declared his desire to resign the sovereignty ; 
which the governor-general hesitated upon, unless made in 
favor of the Company. It soon became apparent that delay 
was his object, upon which Wellesley adopted measures that 
forced compliance ; and upon the nabob asserting his inability 
to defray the expenses of the English troops, the transfer of 
the civil and military government of his country was demanded, 
his court and family being provided for by the Company ; 
while he was also informed that so much territory as would 
afford a revenue to defray the subsidy agreed upon with Lord 
Teignmouth, must be yielded absolutely to the English. 

Every delay that his ingenuity could devise he adopted, until 
he heard that troops were actually advancing upon him, when 
he reluctantly consented. Wellesley proceeded with the same 
promptitude with which he had commenced. On the day the 
treaty was signed, he issued a commission for the provisional 
government of the country, nominating the Hon. Mr. Henry 
Wellesley the head of the commission. 

These proceedings were unpalatable to the Court of Direc- 
tors, and Wellesley's policy, is was rumored, was to secure 
family appointments ; that of Mr. H. Wellesley was particu- 
larly censured, as he did not belong to the class of Company's 
servants to which, by act of parliament, such appointments 
were confined. The Board of Directors thereupon ordered his 
in mediate removal ; but the Board of Control refused to sa/nc- 
t^.on it^ remarking that the appointment was temporary, and 
tence not within the restrictions. Pending these dissenisions, 
Mr. Wellesley concluded a treaty with the nabob of Furruca- 
bad, having similar stipulations to those of Oude j but Rajah 



226 BRITISH IN DV A. 

Rajwunt Sing refusing to acknowledge the treaty, his two fort- 
resses, Pridgeghur and Sansu, were besieged and captured. 
There were also some refractory Zemindars, who had gained by 
the misrule in the Doab, whom it was necessary to coerce ; 
which being accomplished, and having thus established tran- 
quillity, Mr, Wellesley voluntarily resigned his commission. 

The East India government, never wasting opportunities nor 
wanting pretexts, now discovered that Surat was shamefully 
misgoverned. This, and the nonpayment of the tribute, formed a 
good justification for annexing it to the Company's territories; 
which plea was further strengthened by the constant difficulties 
arising out of the right of succession. The Nabob of Surat, 
like many other vassals of the Delhi empire, when strong 
enough, became virtually independent, and rendered his suc- 
cession hereditary. But disputes having arisen respecting the 
inheritance, the British interfered and exercised their authority. 
A subsequent dispute upon the came subject, in 1789, afforded 
a further opportunity for the Company, and the nabob was 
treated similarly to the ruler of Oude, being compelled to sur- 
render the civil and military government of his dominions to 
the English, receiving in lieu a pension, and with it protection. 
But the chout, or tribute, he had agreed to pay to the Mahrat- 
tas, was not so easily settled. The Guicowar prince declared 
his readhiess to relinquish his portion of the tribute to the 
Company, but the Peishwa was not so yielding. 

In Tanjore, like circumstances produced similar results. The 
late rajah, Zuljajee, on his death-bed, had appointed hi? 
adopted son, Sarbojee, his successor ; but the English govern- 
ment decreed in favor of Zuljajee's brother, Amar Sing. Sar- 
bojee was compelled to fly to Madras in consequence of Amar's 
tyranny, and was subsequently declared rajah on the condition 
ihat he would cede the civil and military government of his 
kingdom to the English. 

The position of the Nabob of Arcot had caused great in- 
conveniences between his government and that of Madras. His 
revenues were nearly all absorbed or mortgaged, and conse- 
quently fell into arrears. After the capture of Seringapatam, 



THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 227 

records of treacherous correspondence were discovered amongst 
the sultan's papers, involving the late Nabob Wallrjah, as well 
as the present Omdah-al-Omrah with Tippoo. Omdah died 
while preparations were being made for taking possession of 
the civil and military administration of the Carnatic. He was 
Bueceeded by his reputed son, AH Hasseir), with whom Lord 
Ciive personally negotiated, and received his assent to the pro- 
posed terms, which he, however, subsequently rejected ; upon 
which his lordship deposed him, and gave the throne to his 
cousin, Azim-ed-Dowlah. Ali remonstrated, and expressed 
his willingness to abide by Olive's previous decision ; both 
alike were disregarded, and death soon after terminating his 
career, as well as that of the Rajah of Tanjore, the governments 
of the latter country and of the Carnatic were established with- 
out further difficulty. 

Lord Wellesley was equally desirous of maintaining the same 
relations with the Mahiattas, their troops being little better 
than banditti, living rather on plunder than pay, while the 
maintenance of such forces hourly jeopardized the peace of 
India. On the other hand, an auxiliary disciplined army 
would protect the native princes from their continual appre- 
hensions of insurrection, and restrain their habits of rapine and 
extortion. Negotiations were commenced with the Peishwa, 
who was legally the Mahratta sovereign, though only in name, 
for both Holkar and Scindia, who held their feudatories by 
military tenure, rejected his supremacy ; the latter indeed sc 
controlled the Peishwa Bajee Rao, that Lord Wellesley im- 
agined he would readily accept the offer of British troops to 
rid himself of this insolent chief. Fortune seemed to favor 
the governor-general's intentions. Ilolkar's family, who had 
for nearly a century been acknowledged in the northern states, 
having established their virtual independence, and an extent 
of country scarcely inferior to that of the Peishwa, were at 
discord upon the right of succession, which afforded Scindia 
an excuse for interfering, who declared Cashee Rao sovereigi^ 
and put Mulhar Rao, his brother, to death, retaining a pos- 
ihnmous son of the latter for the fidelity of his ancle. Jesswunt 



228 BRITISHINDIA. 

Rao, an illegitimate son of the late Holkar, escaped frcm 
Scindia, and shortly appeared at the head of a body of adven- 
turers j but was defeated near Indore, on the 14th of October, 
1801, losing his artillerj and baggage. 

In the ensuing year he again appeared with a better dis- 
ciplined and more numerous army, and marched against the 
united forces of the Peishwa and Scindia near Poonah. After 
a severe engagement, Scindia's cavalry gave way, and a decisive 
victory was obtained by Holkar. The Peishwa left his palace 
with an intention of taking part in the engagement, but being 
alarmed, he retreated to wait the result ; upon ascertaining it, 
he fled to the fort of Senginh, previously sending to Colonel 
dose, the British resident, the outlines of a treaty, binding 
himself to maintain six battalions of sepoys, and yield twenty- 
five lacs of rupees of his revenues for their maintenance. The 
day following his victory Holkar requested an interview with 
the resident. Colonel Close at once proceeded to his tent, 
where he found him suffering from a spear wound in the body, 
and a sabre cut on the head. He expressed great anxiety for 
the mediation of the resident, with a view of arranging matters 
^ith the Peishwa and Scindia. Holkar's propositions had no 
rfffect upon the Peishwa's fears, who fled in an English ship to 
Bassein. 

The Guicowar having previously declared his readiness to 
yield his share of the chout levied on Surat, further to secure 
the British alliance, yielded the Chourassy district. His death, 
in September, 1800, produced great disturbances; for his son 
was perfectly imbecile, and unfit to control the intrigues of the 
court of Baroda. These intrigues speedily brought on a war 
between the late prime minister Nowjee Apajee and an ille- 
gitimate brother of the deceased Guicowar; but the English 
siding with the minister, and furnishing troops, victory declared 
in his favor. Nowjee being unfettered, pursued his economical 
reforms by dismissing the Arab mercenaries ; but this body re- 
fused to disband, demanding enormous arrears ; afterward 
mutinying, they seized Baroda and imprisoned the Guicowar. 
The English immediately invested Baroda, which surrendered 



THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 229 

In ten days. Contrary to capitulation, many of the mutineers 
joined the rebel Kanhojee ; but were pursued, and ultimately, 
with the latter, driven from Gujerat. 

Bajee Rao's flight to Bassein, Holkar treated as an abdica^ 
tiori, and with other Mahratta chiefs proclaimed Amrut Rao 
Peishwa ; Ujjon which the most violent excesses commenced; 
the ministers of the late prince were tortured to reveal his 
treasures ; and every presumed wealthy person in Poonah wag 
seized and terrified into the delivery of his property. When 
these atrocities began, Colonel Close proceeded to Bassein, 
And concluded a treaty with Bajee Rao, by which the Peishwa 
agreed to accept an English force, providing for its subsistence, 
to exclude from his territories Europeans of whatsover country 
hostile to the English, to relinquish his claims on Surat, and 
submit all points between him and the Guicowar to the arbi- 
tration of the English. 

This treaty was no sooner executed than Bajee Rao begau 
intriguing with Scindia and Raghajee Bhouslay, Rajah of Berar 
to frustrate the execution of it, in w^hich these chiefs willingly- 
assisted, as its operation would have overthrown the influence 
they possessed in the Mahratta states. The governor-general 
promptly restored the Peishwa, and Amrut Rao, subsequent to 
his deposition having deserved it, was awarded a liberal 
pension and a residence at Benares. 

The governor-general, after restoring Bajee Rao, endeavored 
to obtain the acknowledgment of the Bassein treaty by tho 
Mahratta chieftains ; Raghajee Bhouslay, however, offered 
every opposition, and endeavored to unite Scindia and Holkar 
to defeat the English policy, which end they fancied might be 
obtained by procrastination. But General Wellesley, who was 
invested with the joint powers of political agent and com- 
mander of the army of the Deccan, felt little inclined to submit 
to evasions, and without circumlocution insisted that the troops 
of Raghajee should retire to Boxar, and Scindia's to Hindos- 
tan. This proposition admitted of no escape, and greatly dis- 
concerted the Mahratta princes ; and being thus forced to deter- 
20 



230 BRITISH INDIA. 

mine at once, they refused, which was of course regarded as a 

declaration of war. 

Scindia had a numerous army in the northern Mahrattas, 
disciplined and officered by several French officers, against 
whom General Lake was directed to act, while General Wel- 
lesley and Colonel Stephenson commanded in the Dfccan. 
Wfcllesley's first operation was against the reputed impregnable 
fort of Ahmednuggar, which withstood his attack but four 
days. He then pursued the Mahrattas, who avoided an en- 
gagement ; but being determined to bring them to a decisive 
action, on the 21st of September, 1803, he marched in one 
direction, ordering Stephenson to take another, so that their 
forces might again unite on the 24th, when he fancied the 
Mahrattas would, from his apparently small army, be drawn 
into action. But, on the 23d, intelligence reached him that 
the Mahrattas, fifty thousand strong, with a hundred pieces of 
artillery, v»'ere encamped close at hand ; he at once decided to 
attack them, without waiting for Stephenson's reinforcement, 
although his force was only four thousand five hundred men 
strong. This engagement was the celebrated battle of Assaye, 
and began with a terrible discharge of canister, grape, and 
round shot from the Mahrattas, which told with fearful effect 
upon the English ranks, which were entirely destitute of 
artillery; nevertheless, the English troops undauntedly advanced, 
when a body of Mahratta horse charged the 74th. A counter- 
charge of the 19th Light Dragoons and 4th Madras horse was 
ordered, and executed with such irresistible efiect, that the 
enemy's advanced line fell back upon the rear, and the British 
and native infantry rushing upon them with impetuosity, drove 
both into the Juah. As the enemy attempted to reform on the 
opposite side of the river, the British cavalry again dashed 
amongst them, and completely sealed the fate of the Mahrattas, 
ninety-eight pieces of cannon being captured. The loss was 
severe on the British side, one-third of the troops being wounded 
or killed. Stephenson did not join until the evening of the 
24th, when he pursued the fugitives, but unsuccessfully ; he, 
however, reduced the city of Burhampore and the fort of 



THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 231 

Asseeghur, while a portion of the Gujerat forces took Baroach 
and other fortresses. 

During these proceedings, General Lake, who held powers 
in Hindostan similar to those of Wellesley in the Deccan, ad 
vanced from Cawnpore against Scindia's northern army, under 
M. Perron. The campaign opened with the storming and 
capture of Alijurh ; but, as a set-off, Shekoabad was surprised 
by some Mahratta cavalry, commanded by a French officer, 
and the garrison compelled to capitulate, the detachment Lake 
sent to their relief arriving too late. 

Information reaching M. Perron that Scindia intended 
superseding him, he addressed a letter to General Lake, re- 
questing permission to pass, with his family, property, and 
officers of his suite, through the Company's territories to 
Lucknow, which was immediately conceded by the governor- 
general. 

After capturing Alijurh, Lake advanced upon Delhi, where 
his advanced guard suddenly encountered a destructive can- 
nonade, M. Louis Bourquiu, next in command to Perron, 
having cle\erly ambuscaded his guns in long grass. The 
Mahratta position was too strong to draw them from it. Lake, 
therefore, commanded the cavalry to retire, which the enemy 
mistook for a retreat, and rushed after them. The cavalry 
retired in close order, until it reached the advancing column, 
when opening from the centre, the British infantry passed to 
the front. The battalions advanced under a destructive fire 
from the enemy's guns until within a hundred yards, when they 
fired a volley, and charged with the bayonet. Scindia's in- 
fantry abandoned their guns and fled. The English broke 
into open columns of companies, and the cavalry charging 
through them, the slaughter was dreadful. After this victory 
Delhi was taken immediate possession of, and Shah Alum 
delivered from Mahratta captivity. 

Lake then marched against Agra, which was a prey to the 
greatest anarchy. Before the war the garrison was commanded 
by English officers, who were confined, upon the outbreak of 
hostilities, by their own men. Seven battalions of Scindiah's 



232 BRITISH INDIA. 

iufantrj encamped upon the glacis ; but the garrison were 
afraid to admit them, lest they should plunder the treasury, 
which they wished to keep for themselves. These battalions 
were defeated by Lake with the loss of twenty-six guns ; after 
which the garrison liberated their officers and capitulated, being 
allowed to retire with their private property. 

The forces sent by Scindia from the Deccan, reinforced by 
the remnants of Bourquin's army, were General Lake's next 
pursuit : he came up with them on the 1st of November at sun- 
rise, and fancying they were in retreat, sent his cavalry to turn 
them. But the Mahrattas occupied a strong position, with 
seventy-five pieces of cannon chained together, to resist cavalry, 
in their front. The cavalry were forced back, and the infantry 
and guns came forward. In the attack Scindia's cavalry proved 
most cowardly ; but the battalions disciplined by the French 
fought with desperate determination. Refusing to surrender, 
they died with their weapons in their hands. This battle of 
Laswarre destroyed Scindia's power in Northern India; at 
the same time Kuttack and Bundelcund were subdued. 

The rapidity with which the enemy moved in the Deccan 
harassed Wellesley much ; but at length, on the 20th of Novem- 
ber, he routed them at Argoam, and there captured Gawel- 
gush, which led to proposals for peace. The Rajah of Berar 
was the first to capitulate, yielding a large amount of territory 
to the English and their allies, and all claims against the Ni- 
zam ; agreeing also that no European should be admitted into 
his dominions unless permitted by the British ; accredited min- 
isters were to reside at the respective courts, the rajah receiv- 
ing a resident at Nagpore. Scindia succumbed to similar 
terms, but was compelled to sacrifice much more territory and 
power than his ally. 

Pending these hostilities, Holkar at Malwa was plundering 
friend and foe, incredulous of the British achievements. When 
too late, he determined to make an effort for the independence 
of the Mahrattas, and sent to Scindia, pressing him to break 
the recently-signed treaty ; which fact the latter immediately 
made known to the British. Lake believing Holkar amieal \y 



THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 233 

disposed, invited him to send officers to negotiate a treaty 
Upon their arrival, their terms were found so preposterous they 
were forthwith dismissed ; and the governor-general being made 
acquainted with their demands, ordered Generals Wellesley and 
Lake to march upon Holkar's territories, Scindia professing 
the greatest willingness to co-operate. 

Colonel Monson was sent to act in concert with Colonel 
Murray, and attack Holkar's territory on the Gujerat side. 
Monson advanced with spirit, but retreated upon hearing that 
Holkar, with a large force, was marching against him. It v/as 
an injudicious movement, and deplorably conducted, while a 
want of confidence existed between the colonel and his army : 
the oflScers and men desired an engagement, Monson sought 
shelter under a fortress. The forts on the line of his retreat 
pronounced against the English ; and the troops, weary and 
starving, broke through all discipline, and fled in parties to 
Agra. This panic increased both Holkar's reputation and his 
army. 

Lake took the field to reclaim these misfortunes ; but failing 
to bring the Mahrattas to an engagement, wasted his time at 
Mutha, which afforded Holkar the opportunity of attempting 
the surprise of Delhi, and securing the emperor, which he 
nearly accomplished. Lake then marched to relieve the capi- 
tal ; but Holkar, five days before, had joined the Rajah of Bhurt- 
pore, who had broken his treaty with the English. General 
Frazer then undertook the pursuit, and came up with the 
enemy's infantry near Deeg fortress, on the 13th of November, 
and drove them from their first line of guns, but fell mortally 
wounded at the second, when Colonel Monson assumed the 
command, and Raptured eighty-seven pieces of cannon ; amon/^ 
them were fourteen he had lost in his retreat. Four days 
later, at Furruckabad, Lake routed Holkar, slaughtering three 
thousand of his men. Deeg was then invested, and stormed 
in ten days. The power of Holkar now seemed destroyed, hia 
territory reduced, his forts and capital possessed by the En- 
glish. Bhurtpore alone remained to shelter him. This place 
of refuge Lake attacked on January 2d, 1805, and then, as on 
20* 



234 BRITISHINDIA. 

Bubse(juent occasions, with great valor, though but little en 
gineering skill. The siege being converted into a blockade, 
the rajah sued for peace, which was accorded hira on favorable 
terms, renewed hostilities being anticipated with Scindia, who 
had advanced toward Bhurtpore, whin Holkar joined him, and 
was still hovering about the neighborhood, and harassing the 
English outposts. 

The policy of Lord Wellesley had been that of stripping the 
native princes of military, and leaving them civil power only ; 
which gave the East India Company entire control over the 
foreign relations of these rulers. By the treaties with the 
Peishwa and the Nizam, the governor-general not only pro- 
tected the frontiers of both, but secured tranquillity in the 
southern parts of the peninsula. This prevented Scindia from 
levying tribute on the more feeble states, while Holkar moved 
about at the head of a mere rabble. Necessarily such import- 
ant results occasioned vast expenditure ; but the diminished 
cost of governing, and the growing revenues of the conquered 
states promised an ample return. 

From July of this year (1805), when Lord Cornwallis suc- 
ceeded the Marquis of Wellesley as governor-general, hostilities 
continued between the troops of Scindia and Holkar and those 
of General Lake. Driven from the Bhurtpore territories, the 
Mahratta chieftains fled toward the north-west frontier, wh&re 
they appear to have expected some countenance. 

Lake, having conferred with the governor-general, pushed 
on toward the Sutlej in pursuit of his troublesome opponents, 
satisfied that the only prospect of continued peace in that quar- 
ter lay in the utter overthrow of their power. Undismayed by 
the perils and trials of a long and harassing journey through 
countries then but little known, the British commander halied 
not until, having crossed the boundary -line of Alexander's con- 
quests, he encamped his troops on the banks of the Hyphtisis? 
(the Beas), where, upward of two thousand years before, ch« 
veterans of the Macedonian conqueror had pitched their ^ents. 
The snow-capped peaks of the Himalayas, the gree» hills and 
falleys of th3 country of the five r'Ter*, the ^xoWq stream whose 



THE EUROPEAN PERIOD 235 

waters fell into the Indas at some distance below — all these 
were before their ej'es, whilst, at the distance of a few miles, 
and within his reach, lay Holkar, the object of this long and 
toilsome march. 

To have dashed at him and thus have finished the struggle, 
would have been the policy of Lake ; but a controlling power 
was at hand. Sir George Barlow had succeeded as acting 
governor-general, in the room of Coruwallis, who died but a 
few months after his arrival in the country ; and the policy of 
this civilian was to purchase peace and security at all hazards, 
at all cost. With the instructions which at this juncture 
reached him, Lake, however unwilling, had no alternative but 
to consent to a peace, the preliminaries of which were arranged 
in December ; and the treaty was finally ratified in the month 
of January, 1806. 

By the terms of this agreement the British reinstated Holkar 
in all his possessions, broke off their alliance with the Rajah 
of Jeypoor, and other Hindoo chiefs to the westward of the 
Jumna, and finally marched back to Delhi. The peace policy 
of Sir George Barlow, however it may have served a present 
purpose, did not satisfy those who, like Lord Lake, viewed 
matters in India with reference to the future as well as the 
present; and no one who was really competent to form an 
opinion, believed for a moment that this disgraceful treaty 
would be observed one moment beyond the time which it might 
Berve the purpose of the Mahratta chieftains. And so it icdeed 
proved, as the following chapter will demonstrate. 





A GHOORKA WARRIOR. 



CHAPTER V. 



FROM THE RENEWAL OP HOSTILITIES TO THE TERMINATION 01 
THE SECONP MAHRATTA WAR. A. D. 1806-1822. 



The new policy of the supreme government was not long in 
producing its fruits, as might have been anticipated ; and first 
we find matters in the Deccan promising a crisis. 

Mir Allum, the prime minister of the Nizam, had, by his 
attachment to the English, lost the confidence and regard of 
his master; and intrigues were at this time discovered at 
Hyderabad for his removal and the disruption of the alliance 
with the British. This conspiracy calling for decisive steps, 
orders were forwarded to the resident and commander of the 
troops, by means of which it was frustrated. 

It was at this period that the Court of Directors, in order 
to mortify Lord Wellesley, urged the governor-general to 
modify the treaty of Bassein ; which proceeding Sir George 
(236) 



THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 237 

Barlow, with more than ordinary courage and determination, 
opposed most strenuously, and declined carrying: out. 

Upon the restoration of the Mahratta chief Iloikar, he in- 
timated that, from pure necessity, he must at once disband so 
many as twenty thousand of his cavalry ; whereupon, large 
arrears being due to them, a mutiny ensued, which was only 
quieted by placing Holkar's nephew in their hands as a hostage. 
Having thus the heir to the tiirone in their possession, tho 
troops once more mutinied, but were subdued, and their arrears 
paid; while the innocent object of their revolt was sacrificed 
by his uncle. Shortly after, Holi^ar became insane, and so re- 
mained until his death on the 20th October, 1811. 

On his thus becoming incapacitated, the regency was divid'^d 
between Toolze Rye, one of his concubines, and Ameer Khan, 
who administered for Mulhar Rao Holkar, about four years 
old, the son of Jeswunt Rao. This imbecile government 
swayed between two parties, the Mahrattas and the Patans, 
whose respective ascendancy was the signal for the renewal of 
the most sanguinary atrocities. 

Lord Minto was appointed governor-general, and arrived in 
India in July, 1801. He was a statesman of ability, hated 
precedents, and judged invariably for himself. He soon found 
that Wellesley had adopted a firm, but right policy, the very 
reverse of Cornwallis and Barlow, whose imbecility was near 
proving most fatal to British ascendancy in India. There ex- 
isted in the Deccan at this period a body of freebooters called 
Pindarries, who hired themselves indiscriminately to the best 
paymaster. Upon the defeat of the Mahrattas, these people, 
left to their own resources, wandered through the country, and 
pillaged every place that was too weak to oppose them. Sub- 
sequent to the last treaty, they were confined in their ravages 
to Malwa, Rajpootna, and Berar; a few ventured into the 
dominions of Peishwa and Nizam, but so long as they left the 
inhabitants at peace they were not molested. 

The policy of non-interference adopted by Sir G. Barlow 
had not only exposed the Rajpoot states to great danger, hni 
thrown the Sikh chieftains into considerable consternation; 



238 BRITISH INDIA. 

they were apprehensive that this apparent withdrawal of British 
assistance might lead to their subjugation by Runjeet Singh, 
whose recently established throne in the Punjab hourly in- 
creased in strength. The abandonment of the Rajah of Jey- 
pore, and the employment by Scindia of Rao Ghatkia as 
minister, who had previously planned the attack on the British 
residency, at length induced the Directory to express their dis- 
satisfaction with Barlow's policy ; at the same time they wished 
to avoid a further extension of political supremacy. 

The Nizam's court had been an exception to Barlow's 
tactics, he having been compelled to support the minister Sheer 
Alum ; upon whose death an arrangement was effected between 
the Nizam and the governor-general to divide the office, ap- 
pointing the Nizam's favorite, Moneer-al-Mulk, minister; while 
Chand-u-lal, a supporter of the British, performed the duties 
cf deewan. The Brahmins of the Carnatic, the sect of Chand- 
u-lal, are frequently men of good education, with enlarged com 
raercial knowledge, while the Mohammedan Omrahs, to which 
Moneer-al-Mulk belonged, are the very reverse. Chand-u-lal 
at once discerned the difficulties and danger of his position, 
and that his tenure of office rested upon the supremacy of the 
British at Hyderabad ; he therefore exerted himself to establish 
the Marquis of Wellesley's military reform, and organized an 
army commanded by English officers. In return for which he 
was supported by British influence against his enemies, and 
allowed to administer the government without interference. 
The result of this was, that the Nizam fell into a state of 
melancholy despondency, while the deewan and his relatives 
flourished at the expense of British reputation ; and Lord 
Minto found that, without overstepping his instructions, a 
remedy was almost hopeless ; matters were therefore allowed 
to remain as they stood, during his administration. 

Upon Bajee Rao being reinstated by the treaty of Bassein, 
he did not hesitate to declare that revenge was his motive for 
allying himself with the English ; he was of a most profligate 
character, chosing his favorites and ministers from those who 
gratified his lusts or his cruelties j and through their ageuc/ 



THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 230 

maintained a correspondence with those who were most opposed 
to the English. General Wellesley well knew the character 
of Bajee Rao, and urged a speedy settlement of the relations 
between the Peishwa and southern chiefs, who, though nomi- 
nally subjects, obeyed the Peishwa only when he was strong 
enough to enforce obedience. The terms of settlement pro- 
posed by the resident at Poonah for adjusting these differences 
were, the oblivion of past injuries, the abandonment of all 
money claims, the guarantee of the lands granted for support- 
ing a certain number of soldiers for the Peishwa, attendance 
with the whole of their forces when required, and of a third 
portion under command of a relation at all times. Upon ad- 
hering to these stipulations, the British guaranteed the personal 
safety of the chiefs and their relations. Upon which, Lord 
Minto sent to Madras, Mysore, and the Deccan, to have an 
adequate force to compel the submission of any refractory 
chief. 

At first neither the Peishwa nor the Jaghiredars, or chief- 
tains, were willing to submit to English dictation ; bnt vue 
presence of a powerful force quieted dissatisfaction, and ihe 
feudatories accompanied the Peishwa to Poonah ; and unJer 
the mediation of the resident, came to an arrangement, which 
greatly increased the Peishwa's power and resources. 

Upon the insanity of Jeswunt Rao incapacitating him ftom 
exercising authority, Ameer Khan declared himself regctit ; 
and quitting Indore, headed a body of Pindarries, and bej»an 
plundering the people. His next act was to threaten Bei ar, 
under the pretense that the rajah owed Holkar large sums of 
money. Upon this Lord Minto at once abandoned the old 
policy of non-interference ; and tendering the rajah British 
protection, Ameer Khan was subsequently driven into his own 
dominions with heavy loss. 

Early in the year 1808 it was rumored that Napoleon wag 
again endeavoring to establish French influence in India ; and, 
moreover, that his embassadors in Persia had been received 
with great marks of distinction by Futteh Ad Shah, the reigthi 
ing monarch, who had concluded with them a treaty most 



240 BRITISH INDIA. 

inimical to British interests. When this intelligence reached 
London and Calcutta, missions were sent from each to- the 
court of Persia ; but without any privity or concert. Lord 
Minto dispatched Captain Malcolm ; but his advance on 
Teheran was stopped by the King of Persia, who at the same 
time insisted that he should negotiate with his son, the Viceroy 
of Shiran. To this Malcolm refused to accede, as unbecoming 
the dignity of the country he represented ; and, after embody- 
ing his sentiments in a memorial to the court, he sailed for 
Calcutta. The embassador from the British court, Sir Harford 
Jones, was a most incompetent person, who seemed only anxious 
to show his independence of the Calcutta council. At the 
time of which we are writing, it was the custom with England 
to subsidize all her allies ; in other words, to pay them for 
protecting themselves; and a treaty was signed in 1809, by 
which Great Britain bound herself to pay a yearly sum of 
£100,000, while the King of Persia was at war with Russia; 
and in addition supply 16,000 stand of arms and twenty field- 
pieces, together with artillerymen and officers to instruct the 
Persians ; for which Persia agreed to oppose any attempt of 
the French to invade the Company's Indian territory. 

A similar impression respecting French influence originated 
a mission to the court of Cabul, governed at that time by 
Shuja-al-Mulk. An alliance was concluded with this poten- 
tate, who was, however, shortly after driven from the throne^ 
and pensioned by the British. 

It has been before remarked that the Marquis of Wellesley's 
judicious plans for the occupation of the French and Dutch 
possessions in the Indian seas were frustrated by Admiral 
Kainer. For several years the weakness of the French fleet 
precluded them from doing more than annoy ; but in the winter 
of 1808, a number of French frigates sailed from various ports 
in France and Holland, and reaching the Indian seas in the 
ensuing spring, committed great injury upon commerce. Still 
more serious results being apprehended. Lord Minto announced 
his intention of reducing the islands which sheltered them, de- 
priving the French vessels of any port of refuge. The reduction 



THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 241 

of Bourbon and the Maaritius was effected with but little diflTi- 
culty ; but Java was considered an affair of considerable ira- 
pOTtance. The command was given to Sir Samuel Auchmuty, 
nn(ici v/hora the governor-general served as a volunteer. On 
vhe ith of August, 1811, the whole of the troops were disem- 
barked in twenty-four hours without an accident, and marched 
against the Dutch at Cornellis, who were protected by a series 
of batteries mounting 300 guns. On the 26th orders for as- 
sault were issued, which terminated in the storm of the Dutch 
camp, and surrender of 5000 prisoners of war. But Jansen, 
the Dutch governor, refused to submit ; and it was not until 
garrison after garrison capitulated, that he surrendered the 
island on the 16th of September. 

The principle of non-interference prevented Lord Minto 
from checking the tyranny of the Nabob of Oude toward his 
subjects ; but he secured the allegiance of Travancore and 
Bundelcund, and restored tranquillity, to which they had long 
been strangers. The same absurd policy prevented him from 
chastising the Pindarries, who, having increased in audacity, 
at length plundered Mirzapore, committing, as usual, all sorts 
of excesses. The apprehension of a Mahratta war, which Lord 
Minto knew would be displeasing to the Directory, deterred 
him from punishing these lawless freebooters. 

The tranquillity of the Company's possessions was now dis- 
turbed by the Ghoorkas, a warlike race on the north-eastern 
frontier, who, taking advantage of the disputes and distress of 
their neighbors, extended their sway through the entire prcv- 
ince of Nepaul, and thence to the plains inhabited by the de- 
pendent rajahs, committing great excesses at Gurruckpore and 
Sarun. These were at first regarded as individual and unpre- 
meditated acts; but at length their frequency compelled Lord 
Minto to address the Ghoorka rajah in determined language, 
demanding redress and threatening retaliation. But his lord- 
ship's recall threw the duty of curbing these marauders upon 
his successor. We might here, if space allowed, allude to the 
?ast benefits both the European and Indian community in the 
peninsula had enjoyed through the sagacity, discretion, and even 
21 



242 BRITISH INDIA. 

temper of this really great man, whose doctrines, in the words 
of Sir Jphn Malcolm, were "to conciliate and carry his supe- 
riors along with him ; but not from the apprehension of re- 
sponsibility ; for wherever the exigency of the case required a 
departure from this general rule, he was prompt and decided.'* 

The arrival of the Marquis of Hastings as governor-general 
took place on October 13th, 1813. His appointment was 
hailed with great satisfaction ; having proved himself an able 
diplomatist and brave soldier on many occasions, he was justly 
esteemed the most suited to the exigencies of the times ; more 
particularly so, as it was now well known that neutral policy 
was rapidly declining in favor with the authorities in England, 
and that determined measures were to be taken to repress the 
insolence and violence of treacherous alUes and open enemies. 

In the following December, the Rqiah of Nepaul sent a 
reply to Lord Minto's dispatch. It was couched in servile and 
evasive terms, and led to the appointment of commissioners on 
both sides to discuss the various poinds at issue. After re- 
peated interviews, the English commissioners rep-orted that it 
was useless longer to protract their po'^'ers, it being evident 
that the Nepaulese, who were adepts in dissimulation, nego- 
tiated merely to gain time ; upon which the governor-general 
dismissed the Ghoorka commissioners, with instructions to 
their rajah to confine himself to his own territory, if he wished 
to avoid punishment. At the same time the chief was ordered 
to restore certain lands belonging to the British government 
which he had seized ; and that in the event of his not complying, 
troops would at once occupy them. This notke being disre- 
garded, the magistrate at Gurruckpore, Sir Roger Martin, 
took possession of Turall, and the villages near Sarun were 
also occupied without resistance. The rainy season now 
setting in, the charge of these places was left to native oSicers 
and the troops withdrawn ; upon which the Nepaulese, who 
had been watching their opportunity, attacked the civil officers 
and police, who were completely defenseless ; and after mur- 
dering the superior officer, they killed eighteen, and wounded 
six, of the police establishment. This outrage was committed 



THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 243 

In the presence of the Nepaulese commander-in-chief, who 
offered neither restraint to the assassins nor assistance to the 
victims. Immediate representations were made to the rajah, 
who, instead of offering reparation, justified the outrages which 
his troops had committed ; upon which the Marquis of Hasting3 
prepared for war, the means of defraying which, had it not 
been for the Nabob of Oude, who lent the governor-general 
large sums of money at lower rates of interest than the market 
prices, must have been found by the national government, the 
Bengal treasury being completely empty. 

The Pindarries, like the Ghoorkas, it was known, were only 
waiting the opportunity to renew their predatory excursions ; 
and the Marquis of Hastings forcibly represented to the execu- 
tive in England the urgency of its sanction to a series of deter- 
mined proceedings, to avoid the impending danger. With the 
view of strengthening the British power, the governor-general 
had commenced a defensive treaty with the Rajah of Berar, who, 
however, after a protracted correspondence, declined acceding 
to it; and, breaking through the existing treaty of 1814, joined 
Scindia in the attempt to subjugate the nabob of Bhopaul, 
who had long maintained himself against the Hindoo princes. 

The friendship invariably shown by the nabob, particularly 
in the Mahratta war, induced the British to join him, as well 
as Govina Rao, the prince of Sagur, in offensive and defensive 
treaties, by which means were furnished for watching the Mah- 
ratta princes, Runjeet Sing and Ameer Khan, leader of the 
Pindarries. Scindia, who pretended that the Rajah of Bhopaul 
was one of his vassals, became greatly enraged at this alliance, 
and threatened retaliation ; upon which a body of troops was 
marched on Bundelcund, while another force, under the IS izam, 
advanced to Elichipore, the capital of Berar ; and the governor- 
general then gave his undivided attention to the coming war 
in Nepaul. 

The frontier of Nepaul consists of mountain ridges, extend 
ing 600 miles from east to west ; and it was determined to 
penetrate it by four armies marching simultaneously. General 
Ochterlony, with 6000 sepoys, was ordered from Loodiana 



244 BRITISH INDIA. 

through th« hill- passes overlooking the Sutlej ; General Gilles- 
pie, from the Doab to the west of the Jumna, and so on to 
Nahir ; General Wood, through Bootwal to Palpa ; and 
General Morley, with the main body, was ordered to force the 
Ounduck passes and march direct on Katmandu, the Ghoorka 
capital. 

General Gillespie crossed the frontier on the 22d of October, 
1814, and captured Dera without opposition ; while Balbhadur 
Sing, to whom the defense of the town had been entrusted, re- 
treated to a steep and well-fortified hill called Nalapanee. 
Gillespie, who miscalculated the strength of the position, de- 
termined to carry it by assault, but had scarcely reached the 
wall when he was killed by a musket ball, and his troops fled 
to their lines, leaving many comrades behind. Colonel Mow- 
bray, with the remainder, retreated on Dara until he obtained 
a train of heavy artillery ; then advancing, after two days' 
firing, he effected a breach, when an assault was attempted ; 
but the Ghoorkas drove back the storming party with great 
loss. This so disheartened the sepoys that they would not re- 
new the attack ; and Mowbray compelled the garrison to sur- 
render by bombardment, after it had been reduced from 600 to 
to inhabitants. 

General Martindell, Gillespie's successor, having joined the 
camp, marched against Nahir, which the Ghoorkas evacuated, 
retiring to JytlyiQ^,/a fortress built on a ridge 4000 feet above 
the adjacent plain. The general, having reconnoitered, re- 
solved to turn it on both flanks, concealing his intentions by 
an attack in front ; but, most unfortunately, the grenadiera 
leading the southern column, underrating their adversaries, 
rashly attacked a stockade well flanked with rocks, and were 
received with a heavy and well-directed fire from all sides, and 
driven back upon the sepoys, who had not formed into line sd 
as to support them. The Ghoorkas, perceiving their advantage, 
dashed forward, driving the British before them to the confines 
of their camp ; after which. General Martindell retreated ta 
Kahir. 

General Ochterlony, with the army of the Sutlej, was as con- 



THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 245 

spicuous for caution as Martindell for rashness. He was op- 
posed by Ameerah Sing, the. most experienced and courageous 
of the Ghoorka leaders, whose generalship was well and suc- 
cessfully tested. By a series of maneuvers the general obtaineil 
possession of post after post, until the entire country between 
Plassea and Belarpore submitted to him. 

General Wood, on the other hand, was most unfortunate ; 
while passing through the Sal forest, his troops came upon an 
unexpected and well-appointed stockade, which opened a fear- 
fully destructive fire ; but Colonel Hardyman, of the 17th 
Boyal regiment, turned both flanks of the Ghoorkas, and was 
rapidly securing the victory, when the general, disheartened by 
the surprise, to the astonishment and indignation of the entire 
force, sounded a retreat. This was a type of Wood's campaign, 
timidity and injudiciousness invariably betraying the incapacity 
of the commander. 

The fourth army, under General Morley, was quite as dis- 
creditably commanded as that under Wood. Dividing his 
forces, he posted three large detachments twenty miles distant 
from each other ; and was panic-struck when two of them were 
cut off by the enemy. Upon learning this, he suddenly left the 
camp, and fled to Calcutta. His successor, General George 
Wood, was a cautious but timid man } and the consequence 
was, that the remainder of the campaign ^s passed in dis- 
graceful idleness. 

The effect of this disastrous campaign naturally induced a 
feeling of confidence amongst the enemies of the British in 
India. In the Peishwa and Scindia there was a marked altera- 
tion ; while Runjeet and Ameer Khan showed they were ready, 
and only wanted the opportunity to act. But the Marquis of 
Hastings was nothing daunted ; and having ascertained that 
Kumaoon, in the north of Nepaul, was destitute of troops, he 
determined, as he could not spare any of his army, to send an 
irregular force ; for which purpose he appointed Lieut. Colontsl 
Gardiner and Captain Hearsay, formerly in the Mahratta ser- 
vice, to enlist a force among the Patans of Rohilcund. 

A considerable number of men were thus collected and 



246 BRITISH INDIA. 

divided between Gardiner and Hearsay. The latter blockaded 
Koolulgurt ; and while in this pos^^tion, the enemy advanced to 
relieve the place, and forced him into an engagement, in which 
he was wounded, captured, and sent to Alraora by his con- 
queror, Hasta-Pal. Gardiner, understanding well the mode 
of Patau warfare, submitted to their ways, but proceeded 
nevertheless with skill and caution, and advanced to Almora 
shortly after Hearsay's defeat, where he was joined by Colonel 
Nicholls with a small train of artillery and 2000 regular in- 
fantry. Hasta-Dal attempted to relieve Almora, but was de- 
feated, and fell in the skirmish; which so disheartened the 
Ghoorkas, that they surrendered the place, and with it the 
prisoner Hearsay. 

Notwithstanding repeated orders from Calcutta, General 
Martindell remained comparatively inactive ; and when he did 
move, he had neither plan nor object in view. He wasted the 
season before Jythuck ; now trying an active siege, but want- 
ing courage to push it boldly ; then a blockade, without cutting 
off the enemy's communications. His only success was in 
wasting meo and money, and destroying British reputation in 
India. 

General O^hterlony, however, prepared to follow up his ad- 
vantages, whUe the Ghoorkas retired before him to a formidable 
position, consisting of a mountain-ridge of elevated peaks, all 
but two of which were stockaded, and further protected by the 
redoubts of Malcun and Seringhar. The two unprotected 
peaks Ochterlony seized, being confident their attempted re- 
covery would bring on a decisive battle. And so it proved. 
The Ghoorkas attacked the British with desperation for two 
hours, when they were driven back with the loss of their com- 
mander and one-third of their force. Ameera Sing would 
have continued to resist, but was deserted by the other chiefs ; 
eventually he procured safety for himself and followers by sur- 
rendering to the British the country west of Kalee, as well aa 
the fortress of Jythuck. 

Proposals having been made for peace, the English insisted 
on stipulations to which the Nepaulese refused to accede j and 
21* 



THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 247 

Ochterlony was ordered to take command of the main array. 
In February, 1816, he penetrated into the forests which protect 
the frontier of Nepaul, and soon reached the fortifications 
guarding the chief pass through the hills. A brief inspection 
satisfied him of the inutility of attempting to capture the stock- 
ades by assault, and that he must adopt other plans. Upon 
further inspection of the locality he discovered a narrow water- 
coarse, which was forthwith entered by a column of troops, 
headed by Ochterlony. After imminent danger and privation, 
the summit was attained, and the enemy abandoned their in- 
trenchments as useless. The Ghoorkas now brought their 
whole force to bear upon a post occupied by the English at 
Makwanpore, but were completely defeated ; and Colonels 
Kelley and O'Halloran having obtained another victory, the 
Rajah of Nepaul solicited peace upon the terms he had recently 
rejected. During this war, the Ghoorkas, nominally subjects 
of the Celestial empire, had applied in that quarter for assist- 
ance ; upon which the Chinese assembled an army, but pro- 
crastinated marching until the war had terminated. Upon 
learning, however, the origin of the war, they pronounced the 
Ghoorkas well-deserving punishment, and unhesitatingly left 
them to their fate. The governor-general was not inclined to 
act with oppressiveness, nor encumber himself with useless 
possessions ; he therefore limited the Ghoorkas to Nepaul 
proper, without disturbing their ancient dominions. 

The British reverses at the commencement of the war gave 
rise to fresh Mahratta intrigues. Scindia, who headed the 
confederacy, had established a permanent camp, protected by 
the fort of Gwalior, which had become a flourishing town in a 
few years, the increase of which contributed largely to his pride, 
as proof of his growing power. He not only intrigued with 
the Peishwa at Poona, and Holkar at Indore, but entered into 
alliance with the Rajah of Berar, and obtained promised assist- 
ance, upon emergency, from Runjeet Sing and the Rajpoot 
rajahs ; and even sought to win the Rajah of Mysore. This 
combination during the Nepaulese war, had it been brought 
into operation, would assuredly have seriously affected the 



248 BRITISH INDIA. 

British authority ; but the mutual jealousy of the Mahrattas, 
and knowledge of each other's treachery, combined with sus- 
picion of their allies, required too much time to organize with 
effect such a confederacy, during which peace was concluded 
with the Ghoorkas, and the British concentrated their attention 
upon central India. 

During this period of uncertainty and anxiety, the residents 
at Poonah and Nagpore were Messrs. Elphinstone and Jenkins, 
diplomatists of unrivaled ability, possessed of enlarged experi- 
ence, great decision, and intimately acquainted with the re- 
lations between the native states. The position of the resident 
at Poonah was one of much difficulty, arising out of the treaty 
of alliance signed between the Peishwa and the British. The 
Marquis of Wellesley at the time knew that necessity only had 
induced the Peishwa to contract the alliance, and foresaw that 
jealousy would rankle in the native prince's mind, and a period 
arrive when he would display his hostility. This view was a 
correct one ; the state of the Peishwa's affairs being now much 
improved, and the various Mahratta states tendering him their 
support, he became desirous of canceling his engagement with 
the British. He was likewise much dissatisfied with various 
decisions of the English governors in their capacities of arbi- 
trators between himself and his vassals, conceiving that in- 
tererest, not right, had been the foundation of them. Another 
great source of annoyance was compelling him to renounce his 
supremacy over Kolapore and Sawant Waree, on the coast of 
the Northern Concan ; these states fitted out small piratical 
vessels, and had been the scourge of the western seas for years. 
In 1812, Lord Minto obliged them to succumb to his power, 
taking possession of their principal ports, and preventing their 
maritime depredations, the loss of which was the ground of 
offense to the Peishwa. It is almost unnecessary to remark, 
that, like most Asiatic princes, Bajee Rao was equally ambitious 
and timid, fond of intriguing, and swayed by alternate desires 
and fears. Mr. Elphinstone, by combining discretion with 
decision^ held him in restraint, until bis inclinations being ia 



THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 249 

flamed by a profligate minister, lie dashed on through crimi- 
nality and treachery to his eventual destruction. 

Upon the death of the Rajah of Nagpore, in 1816, his son, 
Pursajee Bhonslah, who was blind, paralyzed, and idiotic, suc- 
ceeded him, when two factions divided the court ; the resident 
Becretly supported Appa Sahib, the next heir, securing him to 
the British interest. This was a blow to the Mahratta con- 
federacy; for though Appa proved treacherous, his timely 
withdrawal from that union was considered of the greatest im- 
portance to the British. 

The most depraved minister of the Peishwa was Trimbuckjee 
Panglia, who commenced life as a runner, then became a spy, 
and after passing through a variety of degrading offices became 
the Peishwa's favorite, with the command of the artillery, and 
rank of prime minister. These steps were rewards for pander- 
ing to his master's licentiousness and innumerable daring crimes. 
Trimbuckjee shared in the Mahratta hatred to Europeans, whose 
presence, he believed, prevented the Peishwa's supremacy ; it 
was therefore a studied policy with him to join any attempt to 
expel or reduce the British power ; he accordingly instigated 
linjoe Rao to renew his claims upon the Nizam and Guicowar, 
seizing the estates of the principal landholders, whose revenuea 
enriched his treasury. By this audacious step he collected five 
millions sterling previous to the commencement of hostilities. 

The claims against the Nizam and Guicowar Mr. Elphinstone 
knew were pretenses urged for the purpose of keeping open the 
communications between the courts of Poonah, Baroda, and 
Hyderabad. He therefore strove for an arrangem.ent ; but 
was thwarted by the Peishwa and his minister. The Guicowar 
was also anxious for a settlement between the Peishwa and 
himself; he accordingly sent a representative to Poonah, with 
power to conclude a treaty, who, after wasting twelve months, 
resolved to return and leave the arbitration to the British 
government. This would have foiled the plans of the Peishwa 
and Trimbuckjee, who accordingly made every exertion to con- 
ciliate the envoy's favor and arrest his return. Gungadbat 
Bhastre, a Brahmin of repute, the Guicowar's representative- 



250 BRITISH INDIA. 

was excessively vain, and readily duped by the professed re- 
spect Ti'imbucicjee paid to his abilities, to whom he proposed 
resigning- his office, that the Peishvva might secure more able 
services. Mr. Elphinstone having guaranteed the Shastre's 
safety, finding negotiations dormant, proposed his return ; to 
his surprise the envoy refused ; when it transpired that a mar- 
riage was negotiating between the Shastre's son and Bajee 
Rao's sist6r-in-law. The Guicowar refusing to cede som<> 
territory, the marriage was broken off. The refusal of the 
Shastre to permit his wife to visit the palace proved another 
offense in the Peishwa's eyes. 

These differences soon produced a quarrel between the 
Peishwa and the Shastre. Trimbuckjee therefore determined, 
as he was too deeply committed to extricate himself, to alter 
his policy, and resolved upon assassination. The Shastre being 
invited to accompany Bajee Rao on a pilgrimage to the temple 
of Binderpore, Mr. Elphinstone proceeded with them as far as 
Nafik, where he was induced to remain while his companions went 
forward. The night after their arrival, the Shastre, instigated 
by Trimbuckjee, joined the Peishwa in some ceremonies of 
much sanctity, receiving in return the warmest assurances of 
friendship and esteem. Immediately, however, on quitting the 
temple, the unfortunate Shastre was almost hewn to pieces by 
hired assassins. The murder of an envoy, whose safety the 
British had guaranteed, excited universal indignation ; and the 
sanctity of the spot, and the character of the victim, afforded 
additional ground of condemnation. The strict inquiry Mr. 
Elphinstone enforced, fixed the guilt upon the Peishwa and his 
minister. Hereupon Bajee Rao was informed that he might 
attribute the culpability to the actual perpetrators, but that his 
crafty and guilty minister must be surrendered to the British 
authorities. The Peishwa hesitating, a British force was 
quickly assembled at Poonah ; upon which he delivered Trim- 
buckjee to the resident, having obtained a promise that his life 
would be spared. Accordingly the minister was confined in 
the Tannah fort, on Salsette island, where he admitted hii 



THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 251 

participation in the murder, in obedience to the Peishwa^a 
instruotio-is 

Tanuah, being entirely garrisoned by Europeans, Trimbuck- 
jee was enabled, by some native servants, to correspond with 
his friends ; a horsekeeper, who passed his place of confinement 
daily, being his chief agent. This man carelessly sung, in the 
peculiar Mahratta recitative style, his information ; while the 
sentries, ignorant of the language, were incompetent to detect 
the plot, even had they had any suspicion. All being ready, 
Trimbuckjee made an excuse for quitting his rooms, dressed 
himself as a servant, reached an embrasure, and lowered him- 
self into the ditch by a rope which one of his accomplices had 
secured to a gun. He had friends ready outside ; and long 
ere his flight was discovered he was safe from pursuit. The 
Peishwa disclaimed acquaintance with Trimbuckjee's escape; 
but Mr. Elphinstone ascertained that he not only supplied him 
with money to raise troops, but had given him an audience. 
A remarkable display of duplicity ensued. Trimbuckjee dis- 
ciplined large numbers of Mahrattas and Pindarries, whose ex- 
istence the Peishwa denied ; and when his falsehood became 
transparent, he repudiated their actions and threatened them 
as insurgents. Eventually he placed a price on Trimbuckjee's 
head, and forfeited the estates of his principal coadjutors. 

It is here necessary, before entering upon the results of the 
events just recorded, to review other portions of the Indian 
possessions. The reputation gained by the British from the 
issue of the Nepaulese war was augmented in the ensuing year 
by the capture of Hatrass, a fort belonging to a tributary of 
the Company named Diaram, who, relying upon its position 
and reputed impregnability, became contumacious, and deter- 
mined the authorities upon his chastisement. The military 
depot at Cawnpore furnished a large train of artillery, which, 
in a few hours, effected a breach in the w^alls, and the principal 
magazine exploding, finished the demolition of this invulner- 
able fort, unaccompanied with loss to the besiegers. The affair 
effected a sensible impression upon the refractory chiefs in 
Hindostan Proper. 



252 BRITISH INDIA. 

The Pindarries, however, increased in numbers and daring 
proportionately with the success i)f the British arms. Upon 
the destruction of Hatrass, a large body entered and desolated 
a portion of the Madras territory ; and in the following season, 
despite the exertions of the British, ravaged the Deccan. The 
governor-general, convinced that eventually these audacious pro- 
ceedings would be noticed and ordered to be suppressed by the 
authorities in England, merely acted on the defensive, waiting 
events, and watching the growing treachery of the Mahrattas, 
at the same time making every preparation for a war, which he 
saw was inevitable. 

This course received the sanction of the national executive, 
who became at last convinced that Cornwallis and Barlow had 
erred in their policy of non-interference ; and upon the renewal 
of the charter in 1813, orders were dispatched to place Jeypore 
under British protection when opportunity favored. Upon the 
termination of the Nepaulese war, the capital of Jeypore being 
threatened by Ameer Khan and the Pindarries, overtures of an 
alliance with the prince were made ; but these advances were 
received with indifference, owing, it subsequently appeared, to 
a supposition entertained by the Jeypore prince that Ameer 
Khan would abandon his plans under the impression that Brit- 
ish protection could be secured at pleasure ; upon which the 
governor-general abandoned any further negotiations until he 
adopted the line of action he had in view. 

The Peiahwa, though professing the most perfect amity to- 
ward the English, was known by the resident to be in league 
with Trimbuckjee, and fostering a rebellion nominally against his 
own dominioi^s. He was manifestly preparing for war; his 
treasures were removed from Poonah, his forts repaired and 
garrisoned, and he levied troops from all quarters. Upon this 
the go's ernor in council declared that Bajee Rao had broken 
his treaty with the English, and should be forced to render 
satisfaction for his past, together with security for his future 
conduct. Ilis principal forts being at the time in the hands of 
the British, he had no choice between war or concession ; he 
reluctantly adopted the latter alternative, and a tieaty was 



THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. ^53 

signed on the 18th of June, ISIT, in which he abandoned his 
pretensions vo be considered as the head of the Mahratta chiefs, 
giving up a quantity of territory and the fortress of Ahmednag- 
gar to the British. 

As a sequence to the foregoing treaty, a supplementary one 
was executed in the following November with the Guicowar, in 
which the claims of the Peishwa upon him were commuted by 
the payment of four lacs of rupees annually ; the British receiv- 
ing, as their share of the agreement, the city of Ahmedabad, 
the capital of Gujerat, a place of considerable political and 
commercial importance. 

The Marquis of Hastings, being now conaparatively unfet- 
tered, proceeded to execute his plans against the Pindarries. 
lie resolved on pushing forward unexpectedly several corps to 
occupy certain positions, so that the enemy were prevented 
from concentrating their forces. The success of this plan he 
considered rested upon secrecy and celerity. The first effort 
of his policy, which greatly infiuenced the succeeding war, was 
directed against Scindia, to whom both the Pindarries and 
Mahrattas looked for support. Two corps, one under the 
governor-general, the other under Major-General Dorkin, so 
effectually isolated him, that he was forced either to fight or 
treat. The latter, placed as he was, he knew was his only al- 
ternative, though repugnant to his sentiments ; and thus early 
in the war, the promoter and supporter of opposition to the 
British rule was detached from his associates. 

The treaty was to the effect that Scindia should use his best 
exertions to annihilate the Pindarries, and furnish a contingent 
to act with the British, under the direction of a British oflBcer ; 
for the complete efficiency of which, as well as the pay of the 
troops, he was to resign for three years his claim against the 
Company ; that the sums paid as pensions to his family and 
ministers should be appropriated to the payment of the cavalry 
he was to furnish ; and it was further agreed that the rest of 
his army should occupy posts assigned by the English, who 
alone could order their removal. A further stipulation ad- 
mitted the British to garrison the torts of Asseerghur and 
22 



184 



BRITISH INDIA. 




A RAJPOOT. 



Hindia during the war, as pledges for his fidelity; and the 
eighth article dispossessed him of the absolute control of the 
Kajpoot States. 

This treaty, so adverse to Scindia's inclinations, was op- 
posed in its execution by every sort of pretext; his contingent 
was with difficulty obtained, and Asseerghur not delivered up, 
the governor, it was stated, refusing to comply with his instruc- 
tions. The British eventually besieged and captured the fort, 
when a letter was discovered from Scinda directing the gover- 
nor to comply with any and every command of the Peishwa. 
This letter Scindia endeavored to palliate upon the plea of th« 
long-established friendship between their families, an extenua 



THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. ^55 

tion Lord Hastings admitted : but as a penalty for so gross & 
violation, he demanded the absolute cession of Asseerghnr, 
which in the British keeping placed an effectual check upon 
the freebooters and robbers who had hovered ab'^ut it, 'Ahile 
under the Mahratta government, it being a sure refuge for 
them. 

The main attack against the Pindarries was now arranged. 
Situated as they were in Malwa and the valley of the Nerbudda, 
the armies of Bengal, Gujerat, and the Deccan, moved simulta- 
neously toward them. The army of the Deccan, numbering 
fifty-three thousand men, under Sir Thomas Hislop, formed the 
centre, being supported by the Bengal army, twenty-four thou- 
sand strong, on one side, and the Gujerat army, nearly as for- 
midable, on the other ; while the entire force of the enemy 
scarcely numbered thirty thousand, and from the jealousy of 
their chiefs, Cheetor, Kurrur Khan, and Nasil Mohammed, were 
destitute of all unity of action. Favorable as circumstances 
thus appeared, events at Poonah entirely altered the campaign, 
and brought the Company into a war with the Peishwa. 

An impression prevailing that the treaty which Bajee Rao 
had signed at Poonah was intended to be infringed, the resi- 
dent declined attending him when he paid his next annual 
visit of devotion to the temple of Pundesore. This was done 
with a view to restore the confidence between the British gov- 
ernment and the Peishwa, while he, under pretense of meeting 
this concession, dismissed a body of his cavalry ; but it was as- 
certained that each officer had seven months' pay in advance, 
with orders to be vigilant and ready, and when summoned, to 
bring as many volunteers as possible. 

Instead of returning to Poonah, the Peishwa proceeded to 
Maholy, near Satara, a place invested with great sanctity by 
the Hindoos. While there, he was waited on by Sir John 
Malcolm, political agent to the governor-general, who had been 
visiting and instructing the different residents respecting the 
proceedings against the Pindarries. Sir John, usually Held to 
be an able diplomatist, was completely duped by the profes- 
sions of the Peishwa, and returned to Poonah, satisfied that by 



256 BRITISH INDIA. 

encouraging his desire to augment bis forces, and treating him 
with confidence, the British would find an able ally. The resi- 
dent, Mr. Elphinstone, differed entirely from Sir John's views, 
but was overruled, and the hill-forts, which were held for the 
performance of the treai^, were delivered up to the Peishwa, 
while General Smith's force, placed so as to intimidate 
f*ionah, was marched to the frontiers of Candeish, leaving 
scarcely any protection for the residency. The Peishwa re- 
turned to Poonah in September, after having matured his 
plans against the English at Maholy. The Mahratta chiefs, 
however, before uniting with him, doubting his resolution, 
compelled him to swear that he would be guided by the ad- 
vice of Bappoo Gokla, a general who had their entire confi- 
dence. 

The Peishwa did not neglect Malcolm's absurd recommenda- 
tion to recruit his array ; upon that point his exertions were 
unceasing ; neither did he omit storing and repairing his forts, 
or manning his fleet. Trimbuckjee Danglia likewise contributed 
his assistance by engaging the Bhuls, Ramoosies, and various 
predatory tribes ; while constant dispatches passed to Nagpore 
and the encampments of Scindia, Holkar, and Ameer Khan. 
The assassination of the resident and disaffection of the troops 
were personally undertaken by the Peishwa. 

The fidelity of the sepoys had never been suspected ; but 
the reports from every quarter, together with the largeness of 
the offered bribes, and a still more important fact, that several 
of their families were in the Peishwa's power, and suffering 
from his vindictiveness, at length created some apprehension. 
But to the honor of these gallant men, neither domestic con- 
siderations, nor the rewards held out, had any influence on 
them. All attempts were ineffectual ; some indignantly spurned 
the offers, while others appeared to accept them, for the pur- 
pose of learning the nature of the intrigues, and then divulged 
them to their officers. If there was this principle of honor 
exhibited on the British side ; on the Peishwa's, it would not 
be doing justice to a brave soldier if we omitted stating that 
Bappoo Gokla would not for a moment listen to or sanction the 



THE EUROPEAN PER TOD. 257 

assassination of Mr. Elphinstone ; on the contrary, he iuime- 
diately sent word to the resident to apprize him of his danger*. 
That gentleman, knowing that a European regiment was 
marching to support him, and aware of the indecision of Bajee 
Rao, entertained hopes that his courage might fail at the last 
moment. 

The forces in cantonments being badly posted, Mr. Elphin- 
stone moved them to Khirkee village, which had been pointed 
cut by General Smith, in the event of a rupture. This with- 
drawal the Mahrattas attributed to fear, and the abandoned 
cantonments were immediately plundered. Parties of horse 
at the same time advanced on the British lines, while the lan- 
guage of the Peishwa's ministers became most offensive and in- 
sulting. On the 3d of November, Mr. Elphinstone deeming 
longer delay inimical to the Company's interest, ordered the light 
battalion and a body of auxiliary horse to march on Poonah, 
when the Peishwa resolved at once to commence hostilities. 

The only portion of the Mahratta army visible was the in- 
fantry assembling on the tops of the surrounding heights. 
Ascending one of these, it was perceived that a mass of cavalry 
covered nearly the whole of the plain below, toward the city ; 
while endless bodies were pouring in from every quarter. Mr, 
Elphinstone, discovering the attempt the infantry w^ere making 
to cut him off from the camp, retired with his family to Kirk- 
hee, exposed to the Mahratta fire from the opposite side of the 
river; at the same time ordering Lieut. -Colonel Burr to attack 
the Peishwa's forces, and Major Ford to support him with the 
irregulars. The Mahrattas, surprised at this movement from 
troops they had fancied disheartened, hesitated ; Gokla, how- 
ever, encouraged his men to advance, using praises, taunts, 
find implorations, as best suited his purpose ; but the Peishwa, 
after the troops had advanced, sent word to Gokla not to lire 
the first gun. The general, seeing the messenger, and guessing 
bis errand, instantly opened a nine-gun battery, detaching a 
corps of rocket-camels to the right, and advancing his cavalry 
upon both flanks, nearly surrounded the British ; but the 
rapidity of the cavalry movement left the infantry in the rear, 
22* 



S58 BRITISH INDIA. 

with the exception of a battalion under a Portuguese named 
De Pinto, who had taken a shorter route, and concealed his 
men amongst the low jungle. De Pinto formed with great 
steadiness, but was suddenly charged by the English sepoys, 
who, in their impetuosity, became detached from the rest of 
the troops. Gokla, to take advantage of this, led forward six 
thousand cavalry, but was perceived by Colonel Burr, who in- 
stantly stopped the pursuit of De Pinto's routed force, and 
ordered the sepoys to reserve their fire. In front of the British 
Jeft, and unknown to either party, was a deep swamp, into 
which the Mahratta horse dashed with such impetuosity that 
those behind rode over their sinking companions in front. The 
sepoys poured their reserved fire into them with terrible effect ; 
whilst the few who reached the sepoys' bayonets were dispatched 
with ease. A company of Europeans now advancing in sup- 
port, the Mahrattas fled in a body, leaving the English victors 
over a body ten times their number, with the loss of but eighty- 
three in killed and wounded. 

Upon the declaration of hostilities, Bajee Rao gave vent to 
his sanguinary and vindictive disposition. The residency was 
plundered and burnt ; the families of the soldiery that fell into 
his hands, beaten, robbed, and many mutilated ; the crops de- 
stroyed, trees torn up, and even the graves violated. An en- 
gineer officer, surveying, was killed. Two brothers named 
Vaughan, one a captain in the Madras army, were captured 
whilst traveling near Poonah, and hanged ; but Gokla termi- 
uated these atrocities, Mr. Elphinstone representing to him that 
a severe retaliation would follow the continuance of such acts. 

The communications from Poonah having ceased, General 
Smith, suspecting something amiss, prepared to return, and 
was followed and harassed by parties of the Mahratta light 
horse. On the 13th of November the two detachments effected 
a junction, marched toward the camp of Bajee Rao, who, aftef 
a sharp engagement, fled to Sattara, leaving his capital to the 
mercy of the English. Possession was at once taken of it, and 
further reinforcements having arrived, General Smith started 
in pursuit of the Peishwa. 



THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 259 

At NafFpore very similar oecnrreiices had taken place. Not- 
withstanding that Appah Sahib was chiefly indebted to the 
English for his elevation, he soon exhibited his ingratitude, by 
entering into secret correspondence with the Peishwa. This, 
although a violation of his treaty, the English government did 
not notice, the resident considering it would be impolitic to 
betray any suspicion respecting the rajah's integrity, his com- 
munications being frank and unreserved. Mr. Jenkins did 
not, however, trust to demeanor only ; the increase of the Nag- 
pore army, and the growing correspondence with the court of 
Poonah, spoke more plainly than the rajah's professions. But 
it was hoped that Bajee Rao's defeat would have had its influ- 
ence upon the rajah ; still the worst was prepared for, and 
instant reinforcements demanded. In a short time suspicions 
were confirmed, news being brought of an intended attack 
upon the residency and cantonments, which the movements of 
the rajah's army tended to confirm, and defensive measures 
were at once taken. Colonel Scott with his brigade forthwith 
occupied the residency and neighboring heights. The British 
force, about 1500 strong, were here attacked, on the night of 
the 26th of November, by an army numbering 18,000 men, and 
again on the following day, when, after many hours' severe 
fighting, the enemy were repulsed with great loss. 

The defeat of his army, added to the appearance of reinforce- 
ments, destroyed the hopes of Appah Sahib, who sought to 
make his peace with the British, declaring the late attack had 
been made without his cognizance. He was ordered to draw 
ofif his troops from the vicinity before any reply would be made, 
with which he instantly complied, but still continued to vacillate 
in his conduct. General Doveton having now arrived with his 
array in support of the resident, the following terms were ofiTered 
the rajah : viz., to deliver up his ordnance and military stores, 
disband his Arab mercenaries at once, and his own troops 
afterward ; that the British shoidd occupy Nagpore, and him- 
self reside at the residency as a hostage. He was still left 
with the nominal sovereignty and functions, against the wish 
of the governor-g3neral, who acceded to the representations 



260 BRITISH INDIA. 

of Mr. Jenkins ; and the latter, after many evasions, and a 
further struggle with the Arab troops, brought the rajah to 
accede to the British terms. . 

The Marquis of Hastings ordered the embodiment in a treaty 
of the |)rovisional engagements with Appah Sahib; but before 
final instructions reached Nagpore, a fresh revolution had burst 
forth. The cession of the forts of Berar was refused by the 
governors. This, it was suspected, and soon co;;firmed, was 
at the instigation of the rajah ; while correspondence between 
the rajah, his troops, and former ministers, clearly demon- 
strating renewed hostility, was detected. The murder, like- 
wise, of his predecessor, was clearly brought home to him. 
These offenses, great as they were, would not have induced Mr. 
Jenkins to have adopted extraordinary measures ; but informa- 
tion of the rajah's intended escape reaching him, he ordered a 
detachment to occupy the palace and capture the rajah, who 
was placed in confinement at the residency until ordered to be 
sent, strongly escorted, into Hindostan. But while on his way 
to Benares, appointed as his residence, by pretending illness 
and bribing his guards, he escaped. The officer in charge 
visited the rajah at the usual hour at night, found him ap- 
parently asleep in bed, the attendants requesting him not to 
disturb their master, repose being essential to his enfeebled 
condition ; this was acceded to, and a hasty glance failing to 
detect a pillow as a -substitute for the invalid, the officer de- 
parted, Appah Sahib at the time being miles away. His 
escort, it subsequently appeared, were his own soldiery, whom 
he had been allowed to select, the authorities not wishing, upon 
his leaving his kingdom, to irritate his feelings by a denial. 
Appah fled to the Mahedo hills, and thence to Asseerghor, 
where he joined Cheeto, the leader of the Pindarries. 

General Smith, who pursued the flying Pei.shwa, had a 
harassing chase through the ghauts ; and getting too far to 
the north, Bajee Rao returned and threatened to retake 
Poonah. Upon which Colenel Burr ordered to his assistance 
the Seram detachment, which marched under the command of 
Qaptain Staunton. It consisted of one battalion of native in- 



THE EUROPEAN PERIOD 261 

fantry, three hundred irregular horse, and two six-pounders 
manned by twenty-four Europeans. A night-march brought 
them to the hills overlooking Konjaiim, where Captain Stauntou 
suddenly found himself confronting the Peishwa's army twenty- 
five thousand strong. 

An engagement ensued, which, incredible as it may appear, 
terminated in favor of the British ; men and officers gallantly 
supporting the reputation of the English. The feats of daring 
performed this day were never excelled in Indian warfare ; 
tvhile, on the side of the enemy, acts of barbarity which were 
intended to intimidate, produced a contrary effect, and added 
to the desperate valor displayed on the part of the English. 
The Peishwa, his general Lokla, and Trimbuckjee Danglia 
witnessed the engagement with dismay, and when night came 
on made a rapid retreat. The Peishwa was pursued ; but, as 
usual, without success. 

Sattara was then attacked by General Smith, and capitu- 
lated ; after which a proclamation was issued deposing the 
Peishwa ; and, with the exception of a small portion retained 
for the Rajah of Sattara, his territories were declared forfeited 
to the Company. Reg-ulations were also issued for equitably 
adjusting the rental and taxation of the country. 

Bajee Rao, who had retreated to Sholapore, being joined by 
a body of horse, moved westward. General Smith, discovering 
the enemy's tactics, pursued with cavalry and horse-artillery, 
and came upon the Mahrattas suddenly. In the engagement 
which ensued, Gokla was cut down by a dragoon, and th«> 
Mahrattas fled, leaving their baggage and several elephants, 
and their captive hostage, the Rajah of Sattara. Bajee Rao 
BOW moved on Nagpore ; but finding the dissimulation of the 
rajah of that country had been punished, he returned to the 
northern confines. 

The Marquis of Hastings having resolved upon the extermi- 
nation of the Pindarries, Sir John Malcolm and Colonel 
Adams, acting with General Marshall, drove them from their 
strongholds ; upon which Wasii Mohammed and Kharrum 
Khan united their forces and proceeded to Gwalior, whither 



262 BRITISH INDIA. 

they were invited by Scindia. Cheeto took to the northwest, 

trusting to Holkar for support. 

These movements being known, the governor-general sent a 
strong force to cut off tlie enemy before reaching Gwalior, 
bringing one division close on Scindia's camp. The Pindar- 
ries, failing in their object of entering Gwalior, took flight into 
Mewar. One body, however, ravaged the Deccan, and entered 
the Carnatic, where they were destroyed or dispersed before 
the ensuing February ; and Cheeto, pursued by Malcolm, 
sought refuge in Holkar's encampment. 

On the 21st of December the English sighted the enemy's 
entrenchments. Holkar's army was strongly posted near 
Mahedpore, the river Supra covering his left, and a deep ra- 
vine protecting his right flank, with a strong display of artillery 
in front, amounting to seventy guns, well manned by the Pa- 
tans. 1*116 British, while fording the Supra, suffered severely 
from the enemy's guns ; and each regiment, in order to escape 
the slaughter, was ordered, after taking its position on the 
other side of the river, to lie on the ground. At length, the 
whole having crossed, the signal was given, when they ad- 
vanced rapidly to the charge, carrying all before them. Hol- 
kar's lines were broken, his guns captured, and a complete 
though bloody victory was obtained. A large amount of mili- 
tary stores was left on the field by the enemy, in addition to 
the whole of their artillery. 

After this engagement the British forces marched to Mundi- 
nore, where envoys met them, deputed by young Holkar, to 
treat for peace, which was granted more favorably for him than 
lie might have anticipated. The victory over Holkar rendered 
Sciudia perfectly submissive : he could not, however, control 
ills feudatories, one of whom sheltered Cheeto and his Pindar- 
ries. This was immediately noticed, and General Brown sent 
to resent his contumacious behavior. A more efficient man 
for the service could not have been selected ; he acted with 
such promptitude, that Juswunt Rao's camp was surprised, his 
town stormed, all his guns captured, and another prince sub- 
itituted for him over the district he governed. 



THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 263 

Cheeto now fled with his Pindarries to the northwest dis- 
tricts ; and the pursuit was then handed over to the Gnjerat 
division, by whose efiforts he was at length surprised, and his 
army dispersed by a small detachment from the fort of Hindia. 
Escaping with a few followers, he sought protection from the 
Nabob of Bhopal, who, however, rejected his overtures. Thus 
situated, he was compelled to join Appah Sahib, also a fugi- 
tive, but who was unable to afford him an effectual shelter ; 
and having left this, his last hope, he wandered friendless 
through the fastnesses, and finally fell by an attack from a 
tiger. The Pindarries were now prostrated ; destitute of leaders 
and homCvS, their position had become desperate, and eventu- 
ally such as remained of them settled down to agricultural 
pursuits. 

On his return to Madras, Sir Thomas Hislop proceeded to 
possess himself of the various forts yielded by Scindia and 
Holkar. Matters proceeded peaceably until the advance guard 
approached the fort of Tahiier, when a fire was opened from 
the walls. This unprovoked assault and rupture of the treaty 
by which Talnier was ceeded to the English, occasioned much 
surprise. General Hislop not being desirous of having recourse 
to severe measures, sent a message to the governor, informing 
him of the stipulations, and that in the event of any further 
opposition, he would be treated as a rebel. Instead of this 
message producing the effect intended, the reply was of a hos- 
tile character ; upon which a six- pounder and two howitzers 
were ordered at once to play on the gateway of the fort. The 
enemy briskly replied, and opened a spirited fire upon the be- 
sieging force. The British guns were found too small to do 
much damage to the walls, and it was at length decided to 
carry the gate by assault. A storming party was ordered to 
advance; upon which a flag of truce 'vas exhibited "on the 
walls, and the commander shortly after appeared, and declared 
his readiness to surrender the fort according to the stipulations 
acceded to, time being allowed to make the requisite prepa- 
rations. To this the British general replied that the surrender 
must be immediate and unconditional, and directed his reply 



264 BRITISH INDIA. 

to be made known to the adverse troops. Great reluctance 
being shown to convey this message, the storming party were 
led on, passing through the dilapidated walls, and advanced to 
the last gate without opposition. On arriving there, a small 
gate was opened, through which Major Gordon, with a few sup- 
porters, entered ; a short conference ensued, the enemy closing 
round Gordon, who was thus completely entrapped, and with 
his party barbarously murdered. 

This treachery being made known, the English soldiery at- 
tacked the place with desperation, to avenge their murdered 
comrades. The pioneers soon forced an entrance ; and the be- 
sieged, to the number of one hundred and fifty, were destroyed. 
Some few hid themselves in haystacks ; but being discovered, 
the stacks were fired, and the fugitives, in attempting to escape 
from the flames, were shot like dogs by the infuriated soldiers 
Two Arab boys and an old woman, who had secreted them- 
selves in a well, were^the only survivors of this fearful assault. 
The Killidan and Arab commanders of the fort. Sir Thomas 
Hislop hung avS rebels. Their execution was strongly remon- 
strated against by several of the officers, both of them at the 
period of Gordon's murder being prisoners in the keeping of 
the British. Hislop's line of action proved correct, and en- 
sured the peaceful surrender of the other fortresses. The keys 
of Chandore Galna and Unktunky were sent into the British 
camp, and immediately occupied. All that was now wanting 
to terminate the war was the capture of Bajee Rao and Appah 
Sahib. 

The Peishwa moved about with a daily decreasing army, 
and at last was surprised and defeated by Colonel Adams, who 
crowned his victory by the capture of Chandah fort. Bajee 
Kao now made proposals to Mr. Elphinstone ; but as they im- 
plied the possession of authority, he was informed that nothing 
short of unconditional submission would be listened to. Deeply 
mortified, he retreated with about 8000 men to a strong hili- 
post, whence he sent agents to Sir John Malcolm, the nearest 
of his adversaries, to treat for a surrender. Malcolm, coveting 
the honor of being considered the terminater of the war, en- 



THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 265 

tered into negotiations at once ; the terms of wnich were his 
surrender to Sir John, the abdication of his throne, and the 
passing the remainder of his life within the British territory* 
the Company allowing him £80,000 a year, and the retention 
of his private treasures. These concessions were reluctantly 
confirmed by the governor-general, who considered them 
greatly disproportioned to the condition of the Peishwa ; and 
condemned Malcolm in strong terms for his injadicionsness. 
Trimbuckjee Danglia did not long remain free pfter his mas- 
ter's surrender ; and being captured, remained a prisoner for 
life. 

Appah Sahib was for some time blockaded among the hills; 
but at length made his escape to Asseerghur, which was then 
invested by General Doveton, supported by Malcolm with the 
Malwa contingent, and a strong force of artillery. 

Asseerghur, after an obstinate defense, surrendered on the 
9th of April, 1819 ; but Appah Saib had fled previously to its 
capture, and was not to be heard of. Fort after fort was now 
surrendered, and the governor-general commenced his plans 
for managing the captured territory. The possessors of prop- 
erty were treated with every consideration, and the law little 
changed in its enforcement ; but an increased vigilance was 
needed in the criminal courts to suppress the organized bodies 
of murderers and robbers that infested the country. By these 
means a great change in the condition of the natives was ef- 
fected, wdiich on the whole gave much satisfaction. At Bar- 
cilly in Rohilcund, however, some resistance was made. A 
tax was there levied to defray the cost of the police ; unpopu- 
lar in itself, it was rendered still more so by its mode of col- 
lection. The head of the police, a man hated for his audacity 
and severity, was appointed by the magistrate to collect the 
tax. In consequence of the offensiveness of the tax, several 
meetings were held, and a petition against it presented by the 
mufti to the magistrate. The petition was unnoticed ; and 
popular discontent was aggravated by a female being wounded 
by the police while distraining for the tax. 

These occurrences led to a collision with the people, which 
23 



266 BRITISH INDIA. 

was attended with bloodshed, and left behind a strong feeling 

of discontent. 

With the fall of Asseerghur ended the Mahratta war, famous 
alike for the many engagements which had taken place, and 
the difficulties presented by the nature of the country in which 
they occurred. The loss of the British in killed, wounded, and 
invalided, was considerable ; and amongst other enemies which 
the British troops had to encounter during this harassing cam- 
paign, not the least was the cholera, which made its first ap- 
pearance in the south of Bengal during the rainy season of 
1817. Thence it made its way westward to the English camp, 
where it committed great havoc, especially among the troops 
of the governor-general in Bundelkund, where about a tenth 
of the entire number were carried off. Europeans and natives 
were alike attacked, though not with equally fatal effects, the 
more poorly clad and fed suffering the most. Since that time 
the disease has scarcely ever been absent from some part of the 
Indian territories. 

Early in 1822, the Marquis of Hastings, having resigned the 
high office he had filled during nine years, returned to England, 
leaving India, as several of his predecessors had done, in an 
apparent state of tranquillity. A review of his active administra- 
tion will 'jhow that it had been attended with the most striking 
and brilliant events. The aggressions of the Mahrattas and 
Pindarries had been put an end to, and the power of those 
daring and restless people completely broken ; whilst Scindia 
alone reraanied of all the disturbers of the public peace, almost 
powerless, and no longer feared as a dangerous adversary. 
The Company's name and reputation had been extended by 
the addition of large territories; and on all sides the revenuea 
and trade had increased, and the people appeared to be con- 
tented and prospering. 





CHAPTER VI. 

THE FIRST BURMESE WAR, AND THE CESSION OP ASSAM AND 
THE TENASSERIM PROVINCES TO THE BRITISH GOVERNMENT. 
A. D. 1822-1827. 



If the Marquis of Hastings had the honor of terminating 
successfally one of the many important struggles in which the 
British forces had beep engaged with native powers, he enjoyed 
the credit of having bequeathed to his successor a war as 
tedious and harassing, if not as brilliant, as any in which that 
government had ever been involved. Before proceeding to 
detail the events of the first Burmese war, it will be necessary, 
in Drder to preserve this historical narrative in its integrity, to 
advert in the first place to the nomination of Earl Amherst aa 
governor-general, mainly through ministerial influence ; which 
was successfully urged against the superior claims of Lcrd 

(267) 



268 BRITISH INDIA. 

William Bentinck, who had previously distinguished himself aa 
governor of Madras. 

The temporary administration of Mr. Adams, pending the 
arrival of this latter nobleman, was rendered notorious by the 
exercise of a power which had hitherto not been used, though 
vested in the supreme government. To the censorship of the 
press of India was added the discretion of banishing any re- 
fractory or troublesome editor from the Company's territories. 
This despotic control was exercised by Mr. Adams against the 
editor of the Calcutta Journal, who, upon publishing some 
stringent remarks upon the acts of the executive, received 
notice to quit the country within a few days. This tyrannical 
proceeding, involving as it did the ruin of an individual, called 
forth some severe strictures in England, but was nevertheless 
supported and approved by the supreme government. 

It was at this period, also, that the negotiations among the 
European powers, relative to the various Dutch settlements in 
the East, captured during the war, were brought to a final 
issue by the British authorities ceding to Holland the islands 
of Sumatra and Bencoolen, the former retaining possession of 
Malacca and Singapore. This last, under the auspices of Sir 
Stamford Raflfles, was destined to rise to an importance as a 
commercial settlement unknown to any other of our eastern 
possessions ; and at the present time may be considered the 
heart of the Indian seas. 

Another event occurred, during the short administration of 
Mr. Adams, most disastrous to many of the European com- 
munity of India. The commercial firm of Palmer and Com- 
pany had for a series of years, and with the private cognizance 
of the Marquis of Hastings, contracted for loans of money to 
the Nizam of the Deccan, amounting in the aggregate to 
£700,000 ; and, as security for repayment of the balances, they 
had received a lien on the revenues of the Nizam. 'Such trans- 
actions were contrary to the laws of the Company, which re- 
served to itself alone the right of entering upon monetary 
transactions with native powers. Some difBculties having 
arisen between the contracting parties, the entire affair cam« 



THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 269 

ander the notice of the supreme government ; whereupon the 
acting governor-general declared Palmer and Company had 
throughout acted illegally, and could not recover from the 
Nizam. The effect of this was to cause the immediate insol- 
vency of this wealthy firm, to the serious injury of great num- 
bers of the service, who had employed them as their bankers. 

Whilst the British had been engaged in the extension of 
their territories on the west and north-west of India, the Bur- 
mese had been scarcely less actively employed in the enlarge-, 
ment of their dominions on the east. In this way the frontiers 
of the two powers approached each other, until the occupation 
of Assam, Arracan and Oachar, finally rendered them near 
neighbors. On the part of the Company there was little to 
hope for by any aggression in the direction of Burmah ; whilst, 
on the other hand, the eclat of successes over the inhabitants 
of the subjugated provinces led the advisers of the golden- 
footed sovereign of Ava to indulge in dreams of further and 
more noble acquisition to the westward. 

Matters might have remained undisturbed for a long period, 
but for an occurrence which took place on the confines of the 
south-east territories. In order to render this affair intelligible, 
it will be first necessary to refer to events which had occurred 
on our Burman frontier during the previous thirty years. 

It was in 1198 that as many as 30,000 of the Mugs, a race 
inhabiting a part of Arracan, fled from the oppression of their 
Burmese masters, and sought refuge within the British district 
of Chittagong. An asylum was not refused them, and they 
settled down in villages and towns to various pursuits. Many 
attempts were subsequently made by the Burmese authorities 
to persuade the resident at Chittagong to deliver up the fugi- 
tires ; but without avail. An embassy was afterward dispatched 
by the Court of Ava to Calcutta, but without inducing any 
change in the policy of the supreme government. In 1802, 
and again in 1809, embassies were sent to the governor-general 
by the Burmese sovereign, having the same subject in view, 
always with apparent friendly results, but still leaving the 
matter rankling in the mind of the latter p^otentate. lo 1S13 
23* 



2t0 BRITISH INDIA. 

ft appeared probable that a rupture would ere long take place 
between the two powers. The governor-general, however, had 
no desire for a war which held out such small prospect of gain 
or renown ; and assumed a conciliatory tone in all negotia- 
tions. This demeanor was not unnaturally construed into 
weakness by the barbarian monarch ; and his tone and demands 
became more assuming as that of the other evinced a more 
friendly disposition. On the arrival of Lord Amherst in India, 
a lull in Burmese agitation had taken place ; and it might have 
been imagined by ordinary spectators that the threatening 
storm would pass over. Suddenly, however, it burst upon 
the British territories in a night-attack by the Burmese troops 
upon the island of Shahporee, at the entrance of the Tek Nauf, 
or arm of the sea dividing Chittagong from Arracan. It had 
been usual to keep a small guard on duty to protect the island 
from any marauders ; but an attack from the Burmese not 
having been anticipated, the small force was overcome, and 
the island formally occupied by the Burmese. The governor 
of Arracan, when called upon to explain this invasion, im- 
pudently announced the annexation of it by his government; 
and that, moreover, unless the acknowledged right of the 
Burmese to the island was admitted, the sovereign of Burmah 
would invade the British territories. This violent act was 
shortly followed by the imprisonment of the commander and 
several of the crew of the Company's cruiser Sophia. Other 
open acts of hostility were committed ; and finally large bodies 
of troops from Assam and Munnipore crossed the frontiers, 
and, plundering the villages, established themselves within a 
few miles of Sylhet by means of their usual defenses, bamboo 
Btockades. From this position they were driven with con- 
Biderable loss, as also from several other stockaded posts on 
the eastern frontier, though not always without loss on the side 
of the British. These operations occurred during January and 
February of the year 1824 ; and when a more imposing force 
under the command of Colonel Junes was preparing to march 
against the invaders, intelligence was received of a numerous 
army of the Barmese having penetrated the British territories 



THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 271 

on the Arracan side, led on by Malia Bandoola, the favorite 
general of the sovereign of Ava, who, it was stated, was so 
confident of success, that he carried with him golden fetters, in 
which the governor-general was to be led captive to the pres- 
ence of his royal master. 

Hostilities being no longer doubtful, Lord Amherst pro- 
claimed war in due form, by issuing a manifesto declaring the 
Burmese public enemies, stating the various causes of com- 
plaint a^'iiinst them, and interdicting all British subjects, 
European and native, from holding intercourse with them. 
This proc\\mation also stated, that the " deliberate silence of 
the Court Ol Ava, as well as the combination and extent of 
the operaticns undertaken by its officers, leave it no longer 
doubtful thac the acts and declarations of the subordinate au- 
thorities are fally sanctioned by their sovereign. The governor- 
general in council therefore, for the safety of the subjects and 
security of our (the Company's) districts, already seriously 
alarmed and injured by the approach of the Burmese armies, 
has felt himself imperatively called on to anticipate the threat- 
ened invasion. The national honor Jio less obviously requires 
that atonement should be had for wrongs so wantonly inflicted 
and so insolently maintained ; and the national interests equally 
demand that we should seek, by an appeal to arms, that security 
against future aggression which the arrogance and grasping 
spirit of the Burmese government have denied to friendly re- 
monstrance and expostulation." 

The ignorance of the authorities upon the geography and 
resources of the Burmese territories caused some hesitation in 
adopting a plan of action. It was intended at one time to 
march on Ava through Arracan, a subsidiary force moving 
simultaneously from Cachar ; but on inquiry this plan was 
abandoned, the nnhealthiness of Arracan being considered in- 
surmountable. It was then resolved that Madras and Bengal 
should provide an army which should capture Rangoon, the 
principal Burmese sea-port at the mouth of the river Irrawaddy. 
The seizure of this place, it was believed, would intimidate the 
king, and induce him to sue for peace ; if otherwise, it was re- 



272 BRITISH INDIA. 

solved to establish a depot of ammunition, and military stores 
at Rangoon, to seize the boats and ascend the river to the 
capital, a distance of six hundred miles. Port Cornwallis, a 
harbor in the Andaman Islands, was the place of rendezvous to 
which the Bengal division was conveyed in April, to be followed 
in May by the Madras force. The united forces were com- 
manded by Sir Archibald Campbell, who had served with great 
distinction in the Spanish campaigns, but knew little either of 
India wars or discipline. Commodore Grant commanded the 
naval part of the expedition, consisting of the Liffy, Lame, 
ISophia, Slaney, with several cruisers, and a small steara-vt'vssel. 

The 10th of May found the squadron anchored within the 
bar of the Irrawaddy, to the great consternation of the Burmese 
authorities; and as the night advanced watch-fires were lighted 
in every direction along the shores. The British resolved at 
once to make for Rangoon, trusting by the great consternation 
evinced, that the place would surrender, and afibrd at once, 
cattle, boats, and boatmen, all of which the expedition was 
destitute of. Accordingly, arrangements having been speedily 
made, the fleet sailed up the river on the ensuing morning. At 
noon the Liffy anchored in front of the king's battery at Ran- 
goon, the remainder of the vessels taking position in her rear. 
These arrangements were effected without the slightest inter- 
ruption, the enemy appearing completely intimidated. The 
Burmese authorities, however, at length succeeded in persuading 
their mercenaries to open a cannonade upon the ships, to which 
the Liffy replied, quickly driving the troops from their guns, 
and leaving the town deserted by both soldiers and inhabitants. 

The cora[)lete evacuation of Rangoon was at first viewed 
with suspicion, it being apprehended that it was intended as a 
ruse. It soon, however, transpired that upon the arrival of 
the British becoming known, the governor, aware of the de- 
fenseless nature of the place, had ordered the inhabitants to be 
driven into the thick jungle of the interior, drafting the males 
into the army, and retaining their wives and children as 
hostages for their fidelity. This appears to have been a cus- 
tomary practice with the Burman government. The position 



THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 273 

of the victors was now one of considerable anxiety ; for, desti- 
tute of supplies, and without the means of traveling either by 
land or water, it was evident that during the approaching raon- 
Boon the hovels of Rangoon were to be their quarters, with an 
uncertain supply of provisions, and but a remote prospect of 
reinforcements from Calcutta. 

It was known previous to the capture of Rangoon, that there 
were a few British and American residents in the town, whose 
absence afforded considerable anxiety to the captors. It sub- 
sequently appeared that they were seized and confined, and 
after repeated examinations by the governor were condemned 
to death. In this condition the prisoners remained several 
hours, when a 32-pound shot from the Liffy struck the place 
in which the chiefs were assembled, upon which they hurried 
off with their prisoners some miles into the interior. An ad- 
vanced guard of the British fortunately followed in their track, 
and so alarmed the Burmese escort that they fled in great haste, 
leaving their prisoners behind them, who were thus liberated. 

The possession of the Golden Dagon Pagoda, about two and a 
half miles from Rangoon, was Sir A. Campbell's first care. The 
approach to it on the southern face was through a row of 
mango, cocoa-nut, and other beautiful trees leading from the 
town, and shading a good road, at each side of which were 
monasteries of great antiquity, and richly carved with curious 
images and ornaments; whilst here and there appeared huge 
images of griffins and other hideous monsters, guarding the 
entrance to different pagodas ; at the end of this road rose 
abruptly the eminence on which stood the golden Dago:i. 

The removal of the inhabitants from Rangoon was but tha 
prelude to the desolation of the country, in the hope that 
famine would drive the British from the place. This would, 
doubtless, have been good policy, had humanity accompanied 
the perpetration ; but the evils that it was intended to inflict 
npon the invaders, fell with tenfold severity upon the poor in- 
habitants, who were as little cared for as though they neither 
belonged to the country nor were worthy of a moment's con 
sideratiou to those who directed the war. 



2T4 BRITISH INDIA. 

The Burmese, who formed a cordon round the British, re- 
solved, while they harassed them, to avoid an engagement 
They were concealed in their impenetrable forests, and carried 
their measures into effect without the slightest chance of ob- 
servation, whilst with their adversaries all was doubt and un- 
certainty. Their scouts came in without intelligence, and the 
natives previously removed from the vicinity, all means of com- 
munication were destroyed. The English commander had been 
induced to suppose that the occupation of Rangoon would in- 
Btantly have produced its effect upon the Court of Ava ; and 
that the demands of the governor-general would have been im- 
mediately complied with; but the present aspect of affairs led 
hira to doubt the accuracy of these conclusions. Even the 
rising of the inhabitants of Pegu against the yoke of the 
Burmese, which he was informed might be safely relied upon, 
had not been manifested by the slightest movement. 

The Court of A,va had been both expecting and preparing 
for war, but not in the quarter in which it appeared. After 
the insolent message sent to Chittagong, respecting~'the re- 
tention of the island of Shaporee, preparations upon an ex- 
tensive scale were made for invading Chittagong from Arracan ; 
and reports were circulated that, in the event of the British re- 
fusing to give up all claims to the island, an army of thirty 
thousand men would invade Bengal, and march directly upon 
Calcutta. Upon the arrival of the British at Pegu, active 
preparations were made to expel them. Every town and 
village contributed its quota of armed men to its respective 
chief, and the Irrawaddy was covered with boats conveying 
troops to the main army assembled at Hengawaddy. At the 
end of May, strengthened in numbers, they approached the 
British, and began stockading themselves in the jungle, to 
which Sir A. Campbell offered no opposition, trusting for an 
opportunity to impress a lesson upon the Court of Ava. A 
stockade having been thrown up at a short distance from hia 
pickets, the general headed a reconnoitering party, it being re- 
ported the governor of Shudauny was there stationed with a 
large force to harass the English, and prevent the inhabitants 



THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 275 

from quitting the jungle. The stockades being incomplete, 
were abandoned as the troops advanced, who found unfinished 
works in every direction, demonstrating that this movement 
had not been anticipated by the enemy. 

A suddeu tempest falling as the British passed from the 
jungle into the adjoining rice-fields, compelled them to advance 
on the villages without their field-pieces. As the huts were 
Approached, it was discovered that they were protected by tu'o 
stockades of considerable strength, well mounted, and guarded 
by troops, who uttered loud shouts of defiance. The rain 
which had prevented the guns from being brought forward, 
had also rendered the muskets of the British comparatively 
useless ; and as they could not return the enemy's fire, which 
was well maintained, no time was lost in attacking them. 
Thr'ee companies rushed gallantly forward under the command 
of General Campbell, and forced their way through the stock- 
ade, killing or driving out the Burmese, who refused to give or 
take quarter. 

The irrepressible valor of the English, which thus foiled the 
dogged determination of the Burmese, impressed the latter 
with a respect for the courage of their adversaries they had not 
before felt ; and anxious, moreover, to gain time, they en- 
deavored to practice upon the patience of their invaders by 
strong professions of friendship and desire for peace ; but Sir 
A. Campbell was not so easily duped, and did not for one 
moment delay his preparations for attacking Kemmendine, a 
war-station up the river, which the enemy were daily strength- 
ening. On the 9th of June it was announced that two otficers 
of rank from the enemy were solicitous to confer with the 
general. Permission was given, and two war-boats appeared 1, 
from whence the deputies landed, and were escorted to tliu 
house of the British commissioners. Assuming an eas} 
familiarity, it was soon discovered that they were either Ui! 
willing or not authorized to treat, and their object wi\y 
simply to delay afi'airt ; and upon their requesting a sus})ensi' n 
of hostilities for a fievv days, it was at once refused. At 2 
o'clock on the following morning, the British advanced ou 



2T6 BRITISH INDIA. 

Kemmeridine by a road parallel to the river, and at no great 
distance from it. The advancing column was soon checked by 
a formidable stockade, flanked on three sides by the jungle, and 
fourteen feet high in front, protected by cross-bars and pali- 
sades driven diagonally into the earth. Two eighteen-pounders 
having reached the spot, and opened a fire upon the defenses, 
a gap was soon made, and an assault at once ordered. In a 
few minutes the British found themselves in complete possession 
of the position, after a loss of 200 men on the part of the 
enemy. At the rear of the fort the gilt umbrella, sword, and 
spear of the Burmese commander were found, the umbrella 
much shattered by a shower of grape ; and the body of the 
chief was found a few yards further in the jungle. He had 
apparently received his death-wound where the emblems of 
command were dropped, and had probably been carried off by 
his attendants, until their own safety rendered it expedient to 
leave their burden behind them. The chief was said to be 
recognized as the elder deputy of the day before, whose pacific 
tone had so much amused the English commissioner. 

The Kemraendine stockade was reached the same day at 5 
P. M., and was found by General Campbell to be much more 
formidable than he had anticipated. He therefore postponed 
his attack until the ensuing day. As morning broke, the 
mortar batteries were opened, and told with such effect, 
that the attacking columns were marched forward, and the 
position captured without resistance ; the Burmese having re- 
treated to avoid the destruction the shells of the English were 
making in theii crowded stockade. This victory, although it 
had the effect of striking terror into the enemy's soldiers, had 
little influence upon the Court of Ava, which continued to 
authorize the military chiefs to lay the country waste, in order 
effectually to render the British dependent for their resources 
upon India. 

About the end of the following June it was known that 
Sykia Woongee, a minister of state, had deceived the imperial 
order to drive the British into the sea. To enforce this com- 
mand, a large body of the enemy emerged from the jungle 



THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 271 

early in July, and advancing in a parallel to their front, atWvcked 
the British position near Rangoon, where a regiment of sepoya 
being advanced and supported by two guns, the Burmese com- 
mander ordered a retreat ; when the news of this action reached 
Ava, he was dismissed with disgrace, and the second minister 
of state, Soomba Wongee, appointed to the command of the 
army in his stead. 

The new commander occupied a very strong post at Kumme- 
root with his force, about five miles from the Dagon pagoda, 
and had likewise fortified a commanding point of the river 
above Kemmendine, where he not only prevented the naviga- 
tion of the river, but constructed fire-rafts to destroy the Brit- 
ish vessels of war. Both positions General Campbell attacked 
simultaneously, leading the column against the river position 
in person, whilst he left the advance on Kummeroot to General 
M'Bean. 

Campbell found his undertaking really formidable ; the 
stockades on both sides of the river being not only admirably 
posted and strongly constructed, but well found with guns and 
men. A naval force under Captain Marryat, consisting of a 
brig and three cruisers, were ordered to clear the obstructions 
on the river. These soon silenced the Burmese artillery ; and 
a breach having been effected, the storming party crossed the 
river and carried the stockade with little loss. General 
M'Bean, approaching Kummeroot, found himself completely 
surrounded by well-constructed stockades, garrisoned by large 
bodies of troops, who watched his advance with great contempt. 
Destitute of guns, he determined on an immediate assault upon 
their principal stronghold, consisting of three stockades, one 
•within the other ; the last was Soomba Wongee's head-quar- 
ters. The Burmese general was taking his forenoon meal when 
the report of the British advance was made to him; but, satis- 
fied with his position and the valor of his troops, he merely 
commanded his officers to their post, with orders to " drive the 
audacious strangers away." 

He was not allowed to finish his repast in quiet ; the rapidly- 
approaching volleys of musketry announced the forcing of hia 
24 



2t8 BRITISH INDIA. 

onter line. Hastening to the scene of conflict, he found his 
men crowded together in the centre stockade, upon which the 
British fire was pouring with terrible effect. Panic-stricken 
and confined, all attempts of their leader to get them into order 
were unavailing. At length Soomba Wongee fell, and the 
Burmese troops fled, leaving 800 dead in the stockades ; while 
the jungle and neighboring villages were filled with the wounded 
and the dying. 

Although General Campbell had captured ten stockades, 
covered by thirty guns, and well garrisoned, he was unable to 
take advantage of the panic his successes had created, by 
marching upon the capital. He determined, therefore, to act 
against the maritime province of Tenasserim. The principal 
places offered little opposition ; several excellent harbors were 
secured; and, what was all-important, a salubrious country 
discovered for the troops, whom the pestilential air of Rangoon 
had seriously affected. 

The king of Ava, surprised at the audacity of an insignifi- 
cant number of men, and unable to understand their success, 
dispatched his two brothers to superintend the war. These 
were accompanied by numbers of astrologers, who were to 
foretell the periods most favorable for success. They were 
likewise attended by a body of warriors termed the " Invulner- 
ables." The distinguishing features of this ludicrous and pan- 
tomimic force consisted in the short cut of their hair, and pe- 
culiar method of tatooing, the figures of elephants, lions, and 
tigers being elaborately and somewhat abundantly displayed 
all over their persons. Gold, silver, and precious stones were 
also inserted in their arms, introduced under the skin when 
young. They are considered by their countrymen to be in- 
Tulnerable ; and, to judge from the absurd exposure of their 
persons to the fire of an enemy, they are either impressed with 
the same opinion, or find it necessary to show a marked con- 
tempt for danger, in support of their pretensions. 

Tlie English commander had ascertained that the princes 
were warned by the astrologers to wait for the first lucky 
moon ; and as this was not very near, he determined not to lie 



THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 279 

idle, and forfhwith attacked several posts which had prevented 
provisions being brought to Rangoon. One of these, Syrians, 
a fort originally erected by the Portuguese, had been recently 
repaired and strongly stockaded. Against this place a strong 
party in boats was sent, and it was captured, notwithstanding 
the advantages in favor of the besieged ; the Burmese retreated 
to the pagoda, leaving eight guns and a quantity of ammuni- 
tion behind them. From the fort the English advanced to the 
pagoda, which was also carried without loss. 

The astrologers, it was ascertained, had at length discov- 
ered the favored time for attacking the British, viz., at mid- 
night on the 30th of August. Sir A. Campbell, having made 
his preparations, was in readiness to receive them. The In- 
vulnerables boldly rushed up the road leading to the great 
pagoda, uttering threats and imprecations against the impious 
strangers who defiled the place with their presence. The En- 
glish remained perfectly quiet until the multitude approached 
the gateway, when the guns were opened with discharges of 
grape, whilst the musketry poured in rapid volleys among 
them. The Invulnerablcs, astonished at the carnage, fled to 
the jungle, leaving the dead and dying in every direction. 

This success General Campbell determined to improve by 
driving the enemy from all their posts near Rangoon. Major 
Evans was accordingly dispatched with three hundred men to 
ascend the Lyne River, and Colonel Smith, with the lig*ht di- 
vision, on the road to Pegu. Colonel Smith having cleared 
several stockades, learned that a large body of the enemy, with 
cavalry, elephants, and guns, were in a fortified pagoda at 
Kytloo. As his men were all sepoys, he sent to General Camp- 
bell for a European reinforcement. His request was refused, 
with what appeared to Colonel Smith ad imputation on hia 
motives. Conceiving that his courage was doubted, he re- 
solved to hazard an attack, which proved unsuccessful ; and, 
after severe loss in killed and wounded, he was compelled to 
order a retreat, the gallantry of the officers being unsupported 
by their men, who were alarmed at the superior physical 
strength of the Burmese 



28Q BRITISH INDIA. 

The Burmese had in the meantime commenced preparaiiona 
in Arracan for invading Bengal. Maha Bandoola, their com- 
mander, with a powerfal force, marched on Ramoo, and attacked 
a small body of British stationed there. These, after a gallant 
resistance, were overwhelmed and nearly all destroyed or cap- 
tured. The intelligence of this catastrophe reaching the com- 
manding officer, who was marching to their relief, he made for 
Chittagong, considering that would be the next place upon 
which the enemy's power would be directed. The Burmese, 
however, never attempted to turn their advantage to account ; 
and before Bandoola entered upon fresh aggressions, he wa.<» 
recalled to defend his country. This affair produced most 
painful impressions throughout Bengal. The peasantry fled 
from the invisible Burmese, as they were called ; and the native 
merchants of Calcutta were dissuaded with difficulty from re- 
moving their families and property from that city. These 
alarms were fostered by the Peishwa and other Mahratta 
princes at'Benares, as was subsequently ascertained. 

By the end of the rainy season, the British in Rangoon had 
formed far more favorable opinions of their position. Great 
improvements were visible in the health of the troops, and 
hopes of an early advance were entertained. Five hundred 
Mugh boatmen from Chittagong were brought in and em- 
ployed in preparing boats for the river service ; a reinforce- 
ment also had arrived, consisting of two British regiments, some 
native infantry, a squadron of cavalry, and a troop of horse- 
artillery. Added to these, transports with draught cattle began 
to arrive ; all of which tended to impart fresh spirit to the men, 
who were busily preparing for their advance, when the approach 
of Maha Bandoola and his force was announced. He was the 
best general in the Burmese service, and commanded the largest 
army they had ever sent into the field. 

The enemy's approach was learned by means of an inter- 
cepted letter from Bandoola to the ex-governor of Martaban, 
stating that he had left Prome at the head of an army well 
disciplined and supplied, either to capture or drive the English 
from Rangoon. 



THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 281 

On the 30th of November, the Burmese assembled in the 
forest in front of the Shoe-dagon pagoda. Their lines, extend- 
ing from above Kemmendine in a semicircular direction to the 
village of Puzendovvn, were easily traced by the smoke from 
their watch-fires. As night set in, the hum of voices from this 
multitude ceased, and in its place was heard the sound of heavy 
columns marching to the very edge of the jungle which formed 
the English barrier. The greatest alertness was displayed by 
the British, a furious assault on the pagoda being momentarily 
expected ; but day broke without their expectations being 
realized. Scarcely had the day dawned when hostilities com- 
menced with a heavy fire of musketry at Kemmendine, the re- 
duction of that place being preliminary to any general attack. 
The firing was long and animated ; and from the commanding 
situation at the great pagoda, though nearly two miles from 
the scene of action, the troops posted there could distinctly 
hear the yells and shouts of the infuriated assailants, occasion- 
ally returned by the hearty cheer of the British seamen, 'as they 
poured in their heavy broadsides upon the resolute and perse- 
vering masses. 

In the afternoon several Burmese divisions were discerned 
marching toward the Dallas River ; and later in the day dense 
bodies issued from the forest, about a mile from the east front 
of the pagoda, taking position on the river at Puzendown, al- 
ready strongly occupied by cavalry and infantry. These formed 
the left wing of the Burmese army. The centre was posted in 
the forest, and defied all conjecture as to its strength or posi- 
tion. In a few hours the British were completely surrounded, 
with the narrow channel of the Rangoon River alone unoccupied 
in their rear. The line of circumvallation taken up by the 
enemy extended a considerable distance, and, being divided by 
the river, weakened Maha Bandoola's means of assailing the 
British on any particular point ; but the celerity, order, and 
regularity with which the diflferent corps took up their stations 
reflected much credit on the Burmese general. 

In the afternoon a sortie was made to ascertain the disposi- 
tion of the Burmese ; and as they were entirely unprepared for 
24* 



282 BRITISH INDIA. 

this movement, they were forced from their earth-mounds, or 
noveriugs, which they had rapidly thrown up, with severe loss, 
leaving a great quantity of arms and tools in the trenches. But 
in the evening the Burmese returned to these works, and began 
fresh excavations. Soon after sunset the enemy's activity was 
again evinced by a fierce attack on Kemmendine, the country 
being simultaneously illumined by the flames of their tremen- 
dous fire-rafts, set adrift in the river to destroy the British 
shipping at Rangoon. These rafts the sailors secured and 
towed ashore, where they were consumed, whilst the attack ou 
Kemmendine by land was also repelled. 

For three or four days Sir A. Campbell allowed the enemy 
to advance their outposts until within fifty yards of his lines ; 
when, ascertaining that they had brought all their ammunition 
and stores from the jungle into their entrenchments, he resolved 
on a decisive attack. Two oodies under Majors Sale and 
Walker were ordered to advance, while a number of armed 
boats under Captain Chads proceeded to JPuzendown Creek, 
and opened a fire upon the enemy's entrenchments. Walker's 
column was stoutly opposed ; but advancing, it drove the Bur- 
mese from their trenches at the bayonet's point, though w4th 
the loss of its leader. Sale's column met with less resistance, 
forcing the centre with ease, and then uniting with Walker's 
troops, it ended in driving the enemy from all parts into the 
jungle, leaving the earth strewed with the dead and wounded. 
The whole of their guns, tools, and other stores were at the 
same time captured. 

Still undaunted, Bandoola persevered in his attempts, his 
troops laboring to make good their approaches to the great 
pagoda. On the morning of the tth, four attacking columns 
from the British lines once more forced their entrenchments, 
and again the Burmese were compelled to retreat into the 
forest in their rear. In the evening a detachment from Ran- 
goon attacked the position at Dalla, which had enabled the 
enemy to keep Kemmendine in a state of siege. The attempt 
was successful j and the Burmese were driven from their line 



THE EUROPEAN PERIOD 283 

of circumvallatiou, with the loss of the remainder of their guns, 
ammunition, and stores. 

These reverses caused hundreds of Bandoola's troops to 
desert, while he was personally fearful that his tyrannical sov- 
ereign would wreak his vengeance upon him for his losses. 
He therefore determined to maintain his position if possible. 
Four miles in the rear he had an army of reserve busied in 
stockading and strengthening a position near the village of 
Kokein, whore considerable reinforcements were ordered to 
join him; and finding he could still face the enemy with 
twenty-five thousand men, he resolved to risk another action, 
should the English again attack him. With the view of assist- 
ing his operations, he bribed several of the inhabitants to set 
fire to Rangoon in various places, hoping that in the confu- 
sion some favorable opportunity might present itself to advance 
his schemes. The fire was, however, soon extinguished, and 
on the 15th the English advanced to the attack on Kokein at 
three different positions. As long as the troops were advanc- 
ing, the enemy maintained a heavy fire ; but no sooner had the 
advanced column penetrated the works, than the enemy fled in 
every direction, and the entrenchments were carried with little 
loss to the assailants, but great sacrifice to their adversaries- 
It was estimated that from the 1st to the 15th of December, 
six thousand Burmese were slain, while the total on the Brit- 
ish side, killed and wounded, did not amount to six hundred, 
officers and men. 

Notwithstanding the repeated defeats of Bandoola, it was 
evident that the war would be indefinitely protracted unless the 
interior of the country was penetrated. Accordingly, Sir A. 
Campbell resolved to march on Prome, while General Cotton 
proceeded thither with another division in boats ; Sale being 
ordered, at the same time, to reduce Bassein. The march wag 
commenced on the 11th of February, 1825 j and on the even- 
ing of the 25th of the ensuing month, Sir A. Campbell reached 
a village from which Bandoola's position at Donoobevv was 
Tisible. The general continued to advance, without much op- 
position^ until the 25th, and halted within cannon shot of tho 



284 BRITISH INDIA 

enemy's stockades. On the morning of the 2Yth the flotilla 
was seen in full sail, and, after an unsuccessful attack by the 
Burmese, captured or reduced every thing opposed to it. 

Bandoola having been killed by a shell, the troops refused 
to obey any other commander, and deserted Donoobew, which 
was immediately occupied by the besiegers, who forthwith pre- 
pared to march on Prome, which, in its turn, was abandoned 
as the British advanced. The court of Ava defeated, but not 
disheartened, once more tried to organize a fresh army, and 
raised levies from every part of the kingdom. This heteroge- 
neous force was commanded on the right division by Sudda 
Wooii ; the prime minister, Kee. Woongee, commanded the 
centre ; while the left wing, under Maha Nemiow, followed a 
route about ten miles from the centre. On the 10th of No- 
vember, Maha Nemiow occupied Wattygoon, sixteen miles from 
Prome, whither Colonel M'Dowal was sent to dispossess them ; 
but the Burmese, learning his advance, marched to meet him. 
In the engagement which followed, M'Dowal was shot, which 
BO dispirited his sepoys as to cause them to retreat. The Bur- 
mese, elated with this trifling advantage, resolved to retake 
Prome. The English having completed their arrangements, on 
the first of December, two columns, respectively headed by 
Generals Sir A. Campbell and Cotton, marched against Ne- 
miow. The engagement that followed was obstinately con- 
tested by the enemy, and terminated in the death of the Bur- 
mese general, and the total annihilation of his army. Na- 
paadu was next assaulted, and was carried at the bayonet's 
point, with great slaughter amongst its defenders. 

On the 5th of December, the remaining division of the Bur- 
mese army under Sudda Woon was attacked and defeated, the 
troops flying in consternation to the woods for protection. 
General Campbell, with the view of ending the war, began his 
march on the enemy's capital early in December. After the 
capture of several stockades, and some slight skirmishes, Pata- 
nagoh was reached, when offers of negotiation were renewed, 
and a meeting to agree upon the terms of a treaty was ap- 
pointed for the first of January, 1826. It was, however, dis» 



THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 285 

covered that the Burmese were dissimulating ; and consequently, 
upon the armistice expiring, notice was given that hostilities 
would be renewed on the 18th. It was now evident that the 
Burmese cause was. hopeless : all exertions upon the part of 
the officers were useless; the soldiers, too dispirited to oiTcr 
any defense, were driven from their entrenchments, leaving the 
vvh(»le of their artillery and stores. Prince Memiaboo and his 
defeated army retreated as quickly as possible, closely pressed 
by the British. 

On the 25th the army was again on its march through a 
country desolated by fury and fanaticism. On the 31st two 
Burmese of rank arrived, with full authority for negotiating a 
treaty ; and General Campbell refusing to waive one point of 
his former demands, was assured they would be yielded. But 
no entreaty prevailed on him to arrest the progress of his 
army ; he, however, agreed not to pass Paghara Mew for twelve 
days. 

Notwithstanding the assurances of these envoys, Campbell, 
as he proceeded onward, ascertained that hostilities were to 
be renewed. The king, instigated by a warrior of low origin, 
believed his boast, that with thirty thousand men he could an- 
nihilate the rebellious strangers. A fresh levy was accordingly 
made, and the force honored with the title of "Retrievers of 
the king's glory." The British army, weakened by the absence 
of two brigades, did not muster two thousand men ; neverthe 
less, Campbell determinedly pushed on to Pagham Mew. 
Clearing the jungle, he debouched on the Burmese army, six 
teen thousand strong ; regardless of their position and numbers, 
the British dashed into their centre, which was speedily over^ 
thrown, and the wings with great difficulty reached the second 
line of redoubts under the walls of Pagham Mew. No time 
was allowed for rallying ; the English troops .'ushed into the 
Burmese entrenchments and within the city, and thus secured 
the victory. This was the most sanguinary defeat the Bur- 
mese had yet experienced. Severe as had been their former 
engagements this was still more so ; but thirteen hundred men, 



286 BRITISH INDIA. 

with their boastful leader, returned to Ava out of all that nu- 
merous host. 

The army was still kept marching until it arrived at Ganda- 
boo, forty-five miles from the capital, when the Burmese mon- 
areli, completely humbled and disheartened, sent envoys to 
conclude peace upon any terms, which were at length arranged, 
and the treaty signed and sealed at Gandaboo on the ii4th. 
By this act, the king of Ava renounced his claim to the sover- 
eignty over Assam, Cachar, and Jylna ; declared Munzipore 
an independent kingdom ; acknowledged the mountains of Ar- 
racan as the boundary between hii territory and the Company's, 
and yielded the whole of Tenasserira to the British. He fur- 
ther agreed to pay, in four payments, a crore of rupees, not to 
punish any of his subjects who had assisted the English during 
the war, to include the King of Siam in the amnesty, and to 
grant to British vessels visiting his ports the same privileges 
enjoyed by his own ships. The English, on their part, under- 
took to fail back on Rangoon at once, to leave the country 
entirely upon the payment of the second instalment of t\\S) crore 
of rupees, and to return all prisoners with as little delay as pos- 
sible. - 

On the 5th of March, Sir A. Campbell gave the order for 
returning to Rangoon, which he reached without any casualties. 
The whole of the troops did not, however, return by this route; 
a body of sepoys, conducted by native guides, were directeci to 
cross the country to Arracan, where they arrived without much 
trouble. Ava was thus proved to be accessible, upon any 
future occasion, by land as well as by water. 

.During the hostile operations against the Burmese in 1825, the 
attention of the Bengal executive was called to affairs at Bhurt- 
pore, where Durgoon Sal, immediately upon the rajah's death, 
usurped the throne rightfully belonging to Bulwunt Sing, a 
minor, whose interests the British had promised to protect ; 
upon which the guardians of the prince fled with him to Cal- 
cutta, and prayed the assistance of the governor-general. Lord 
Lake's failure at Bhurtpore had created a strong party there 
inimical to the British ; and it had been wished for some time, 



THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 287 

npon political grounds, to destroy this influence. A favorable 
opportunity for so doing now presented itself, and it v/as deter 
mined to destroy the hallucination that Bhurtpore was impreg- 
nable. Lord Comberraere happening to arrive in India at 
this juncture, assumed the command of the army; and on the 
lOih of December; at the head of twenty thousand men, sup- 
ported by a hundred pieces of artillery, appeared before the 
walls. Unwilling that the females and children should en- 
counter the horrors of such an assault as must ensue, he ad- 
dressed a letter to Durgoon Sal, on the 21st, urging him to 
send thera out of the fort, and offering safe conduct to tlaem, 
and further gave twenty-four hours for the execution of his 
humane desires ; he afterward further extended the time twelve 
hours, though without any result. 

On the 23d, besieging operations commenced, the north-east 
angle being selected as the point d^appui, the British at the 
same time possessing themselves of Kudum Kundee, a village, 
and completing their first parallel eight hundred yards from 
the fort. The remainder of the month was employed in con- 
structing and repairing batteries and making preparations for 
the general assault, a heavy and destructive fire being sustained 
by the town during the whole time. At length, on the 3d of 
January, 1826, the artillery began to breach the curtains. 
The tough mud- walls were, however, much more effective than 
masonry ; and, as the batteries produced but little eifect, recourse 
was had to mining. On the 16th two mines were driven, and 
sprung successfully, previous mines had proved ideifective, or 
were rendered abortive by the besieged ; and fm excellent 
breach in the walls being reported, the 18th was fixed on for 
the assault. Early in the morning, the troops forming the 
Btorming-party reached the advanced trenches without being 
discovered ; while General NichoUs and General Reynells, at 
the head of theii* brigades, were respectively to mount the left 
and right breaches, the explosion of the mine being the signal 
for attack. The explosion took place at eight o'clock in the 
morning, carrying away the entire salient angle and a great 
portion of the stone cavalier in the rear. The troops imme- 



288 BRITISH INDIA. 

diately advanced with great order and determination ; and 
shortly, notwithstanding the fury of the besieged, carried the 
breaches, and in two hours the whole rampart environing the 
town and the gates of the citadel were in the hands of the be- 
siegers ; very shortly afterward the citadel itself was captured. 
General Hugh, who had been specially appointed to prevent 
the enemy's escape, so judiciously disposed his men that Dur- 
goon Sal, his wife, and two sons, were, with a strong body of 
horse, made prisoners in their attempt to force a passage 
through the 8th Light Cavalry. 

It was estimated that not less than four thousand of the be- 
sieged fell in this assault, and scarcely a man escaped through 
Hugh's cordon of cavalry. The whole of the military stores 
and ammunition being captured, the political and military 
power of Bhurtpore was annihilated, and the fortifications 
demolished, by Lord Combermere's order, on the 6th of Feb- 
ruary. All the remaining fortresses belonging to the rajah 
surrendered, and the rajah himself was reinstated ; after which 
Lord Combermere broke up the camp, and returned ^o Cal- 
cutta on the 20th of February. 

This gallant assault merited, and received, the thanks of 
Parliament and the East India Company ; and what was still 
more gratifying, the prize-money which the king presented to 
the Company was ordered by the Court of Directors to be dis- 
tributed among the troops. 

In 182*7, the whole of British India being in a state of tran- 
quillity, Lord Amherst proceeded to the upper provinces, and 
visited Delhi, expressly to arrange the relations of the British 
government with the nominal king of that country ; his nego- 
tiations were ended by setting aside the shadow of sovereignty 
which had nominally attached to the last descendant of the 
Mogul. At the end of March Lord Amherst embarked for 
England in his Majesty's ship Herald, leaving the Hon. Mr. 
Bayley to administer the government of India pending the 
arrival of his successor. 




CHAPTER YII. 

rR<KVI THE ADMINISTRATION OF LORD Vv^ILLIAM BENTINCK TO 
THE ^N VEXATION OF SCINDE AND THE PACIFICATION OW 
GWAJ^'W?. A. D. 1828-1844 



The adminiwStration of Lord William Bentinck, who suc- 
ceeded Earl Amherst, was, unlike that of any of his prede- 
cessors marked by no warlike demonstrations. The inroads 
of hordes of hill-tribes, the punishment and dethronement of 
the petty Kajah of Coorg, and some other arrangements with 
various tributary powers, were not sufficient to disturb the 
general tranquillity which now pervaded India, and which it 
was his lordship's fortune to turn to profitable account. The 
state of the services received the governor-general's earnest 
aUontion ; and many reforms were introduced into their various 
branches, which, however unpalatable to the members, were 
calculated greatly to improve their efficiency. Many con- 
cessions were also made to the natives of India ; not the least 
valuable of which was an enactment freeing seceders from tht» 
25 (289) 



290 BRITISH INDIA. 

Hindoo or Mohammedan faith within the Bengal Presidency 
from the penalties which had, under the old native lawa, 
attached to such an act, viz., the forfeiture of their personal 
and family property. 

Educational and other public institutions received his lord- 
ship's warmest support ; and to this day the name of Bentinck 
is gratefully remembered by the inhabitants of British India. 
Two projects of national importance were at this time under- 
taken ; of one of which the ultimate benefits can scarcely be 
over-estimated — the opening of communications between British 
India and the countries west of the Indus as far as the Caspian 
Sea, and the establishment of an overland steam communication 
between England and India. 

The former of these projects had for its objects the extension 
of British commerce, and the ascertaining the feasibility of a 
Kussian invasion from that quarter. This important and 
dangerous task was confided to Lieutenant, afterward Sir 
Alexander Burnes, who gathered and published some valuable 
information respecting the political condition, the commercial 
relations,'- and the geographical features of the countries lying 
between the Indus and the Caspian Sea. No commercial ad- 
vantages have as yet sprung from his labors, with the ex- 
ception of the complete navigation of the Indus by steamers ; 
whilst, as regards political occurrences, the only result has been 
the disastrous Afghan campaign, which may truly be traced 
to this exploration. 

Of far greater magnitude and solid advantage to Indo-British 
commerce was the rapid and safe communication, first com- 
menced during Lord W. Bentinck's administration, between 
India and Great Britain, by way of the Red Sea, Egypt and 
the Mediterranean. To Lieutenant Waghorn belongs all the 
perit of having conceived and thoroughly carried out this 
scheme in the teeth of all the constituted authorities of India, 
at home and abroad. Thanks to the enlightened man who at 
this time ruled India, Waghorn's efi'orts were rightly estimated, 
and in the end completely carried out, to the lasting advantage 



THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 291 

of every interest connected with the British possessions in the 
East. 

The navigation of the Ganges by steam-vessels was, during 
this peaceful administration, set on foot with the most complete 
Buccess ; and has since, under a completer system, afforded 
great facilities to the internal traffic of the Bengal Presidency. 

In the year 1833, the discussions in Parliament on the re- 
newal of the East India Company's charter led to some great 
and important changes in the functions of this powerful body. 
The principal of these changes may be placed under the fol- 
lowing heads : The Company retained its political rights, and, 
in conjunction with the Board of Control, gave its entire 
attention to the government of India. It ceased to be a com- 
mercial body, gave up its monopoly of the Chinese trade, and 
abandoned that of India ; the trade to both countries was de- 
clared to be free to every British subject. British subjects 
were permitted to settle in any part of the Indian territories. 
The shareholders were guaranteed a fixed dividend upon their 
capital of £6,000,000 ; and a sinking-fund was set aside for the 
purpose of redeeming the Company's stock at the end of fifty 
years, if deemed necessary. With these leading provisos, the 
charter was renewed for a further term of twenty years, expiring 
in the year 1853. 

Lord William Bentinck resigned the administration of Indian 
affairs early in 1835, owing to the failure of his health ; and in 
the month of March set sail for England, regretted by the 
native and a large portion of the European community. 

The advent of Lord Auckland as governor-general of India 
was destined to prove a momentous epoch in the Anglo-Indian 
annals. On this appointment being made known, the public 
were somewhat at a loss to guess what peculiar quality of his 
lordship had formed the justification of the act. None kne\f 
what his administrative ability might amount to ; and all who 
took the trouble to form any opinion on the subject, were 
unanimous that the name of Auckland could, by no human pos- 
sibility, become distinguished in the connection with the gov* 



292 BRITISH INDIA. 

emment of the vast territories, over which it was decided that 
he should hold an almost uncontrolled sway. But these cavil- 
lers were mistaken ; they knew not their man. Before these 
sceptics in the achievements of an Auckland were three years 
older, they had the strongest possible reasons for according to 
his lordship a distinction and a notoriety as world-wide, and as 
indelible, as any achieved by a Clive or a Wellington. It was 
liord Auckland's destiny to place the British arms in a posi- 
tion that they had never previously occupied on the continent 
of India ; to carve out for the British forces a career as disas- 
trous as its origin was unjustifiable and unworthy ; to peril the 
position of the English in the East ; to sacrifice an army of 
brave men ; and finally, to clothe half the nation in mourning, 
and to overwhelm the other half with shame and indignation. 

On the arrival of this amicably-disposed nobleman in Cal- 
cutta, he found India rife with rumors of Russian diplomacy 
and Russian intrigue. Every political occurrence of the day 
was set down to autocratic influence ; every foreign traveler 
in moustaches, was believed to be a diplomete or officer of 
engineers from St. Petersburg ; and every Arab or Belo.ochee 
tradei who crossed the western frontier, was transformed by 
these political genii of the Company's service into a Russian 

spy. 

Shah Soojah, the imbecile ruler of Afghanistan, had been 
expelled that country, in the ordinary Eastern style, to make 
room for one far better able to rule such a turbulent people as 
were his subjects ; and the deposed chief appeared well satis- 
fied to find himself with his head on his shoulders, ^eating the 
Company's " salt" within the walls of the British fortress of 
Loodianah, one of the northwest frontier stations. 

The Punjab, or " Country of the Five Rivers," which formed 
the barrier between the Company's territories and the turbulent 
Afghans, was at that time under the sway of Ranjeet Singh, a 
chief whose valor and indomitable energy and activity had won 
for him the title of the " Lion of the Punjab." Between this 
chief and the Afghan rulers a constant succession of hostilities 



THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 293 

took place, with varying results, though most frequently in 
favor of the "Lion."* 

The mission of Captain, afterward Sir Alexander Burnes, 
to Cabul, in 1837, although apparently successful at the time, 
bore no fruit ; and it soon became evident that the ruler of 
that country, with many promises on his lips, cared as little 
for the friendship and commerce of the English, as for their 
hostility f 

Another party of diplomatists, military and civil, was dis- 
patched to Lahore, the capital of the Punjab, with the view 
of forming a treaty with Runjeet Sing. So far as the signa- 
tures to a parchment were concerned, every thing was attained 
that had been hoped for ; and the governor-general, who was 
already planning, at the instigation of others, the chastise- 
ment of Dost Mohammed, the restoration of the imbecile Shah 
Soojah, and the defeat of the so-much-dreaded Russian in- 
fluence in that quarter, flattered himself that Lahore would 
prove a safe and accessible road by which to reach the walls of 
Cabool. 

In October, 1838, war with the Dost was proclaimed from 
the cool retirement of Simla; and so determined were the 
abettors of this ill-advised scheme, that befor-^ the close of the 
year, the Bengal and Bombay armies were at the appointed 
rendezvous, Shikapore in Scinde. These forces amounted to 
15,000 men, with a reserve of 4000 at Ferozepore, and a native 
contingent, provided by Shar Soojah, but paid by the English, 
amounting to 6000. 

The British troops encountered disasters from the outset. 
The cholera, want of a sufficient means of transport, jealousy 
and heart-burnings amongst the commanders, and lastly, the 

* The Sikh ruler appears to have been keenly alive to the process of ab- 
sorption of native states by the English, although he felt it to be his policy 
to remain on friendly terms with so powerful a neighbor. It is related of him 
that in a conversation with a Company*s officer, he pointed to a large map of 
India before hiui, on which the British territories were defined by a narrow 
red band, and exclaimed : " When Runjeet dies, Company's red line swallow 
up all Punjab country." 

f Alexander Barnes' Travels in Afghanistan, d;c. 

25* 



294 BRITISH INDIA. 

trying season during the greater part of the march, all con- 
tributed to impart a prestige of no cheering character to the 
commencement of the campaign. 

Sir John Keane, appointed to the command-in-chief of the 
army of the Indus, was seconded by officers as brave and ener- 
getic as any in the service. Among them were Major-General 
Nott, Sir W. Cotton, Brigadier Sale, and Colonel Dennie. 
The, arrangements for the supply of the commissariat were, 
however, of the worst possible kind ; and added to this was the 
enormous number of camp-followers, amounting to nearly 
100,000; these had to be provided for amidst strange and un- 
friendly countries, upon a march of extraordinary length and 
of great physical difficulties.* It was not surprising, therefore, 
that these circumstances, added to the want of unanimity in 
action amongst the divisions of the army, should have placed 
the invaders in a difficult and perilous position. 

On the 6th of March, the Bengal column under Sir John 
Keane and Sir Willoughby Cotton, reached the foot of the 
mountains of Western Afghanistan, scarcely on the threshold 
of their journey ; yet even then their provisions ran short, and 
the allowance of the troops was reduced to one-half. The 
dangerous and difficult passage of the Bolan Pass, seventy 
miles in length, was effected after much suffering; and when 
the troops reached Quettah, on the 4th of April, so reduced 
were they in all their supplies, that the camp-followers were 
under the necessity of feeding on roots, skins of beasts, &c. 

Thence to Candahar the sufferings of the soldiers and fol- 
lowers were very great ; and when they reached that city on the 
4th of May, the latter dwindled down to 20,000. The expectation 
that supplies would be there obtained, was doomed to disap- 
pointment. The army found itself as badly fed as ever; and, 
in order not to exhaust completely the miserable means of the 
commissariat, a move onward toward Ghuznee was at once de- 
cided upon, although the distance was fully 230 miles, and the 
army wanted most of the requisites for a long journey. 

* Buist's Outline of the Operatia is of the British Troops in Scindi* and 
Afghanistan. 



THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 295 

On the 21st of July the British troops encamped under the 
walls of Ghuznee, which were found to be far stronger than 
had been anticipated. Hesitation would have been ruinous ; 
and the choice lay between making a dash at this stronghold, 
and a timely retreat to the starting point. Fortunately for 
the besiegers, it was discovered that one of the gates of the 
town had not been built up with masonry, and accordingly 
this was blown in with gunpowder during the night, the breach 
thus effected being at once taken advantage of by a storming 
party, seconded by all the troops available for an assault of the 
kind. The town was quickly captured ; and, in spite of some 
desperate resistance from the Afghan garrison, the citadel fell 
within a few hours. The loss of the British in killed and 
wounded was but trifling ; that of the besieged amounted to 
1000 slain and 3000 wounded and captured. 

The fall of this stronghold of the Afghans was fortunate in 
many respects ; for it not only afforded the troops much that 
was needed, but struck terror into the hearts of the enemy, and 
at once opened the road to Cabool. The army was not al- 
lowed a long halt; Colonel Wade, who was moving onward 
from Peshawur, fought his way through the Kyber Pass, and 
seized Jellalabad, driving before him Akbar Khan, the second 
son of the Dost, and capturing a large supply of arms, ammu- 
nition, and horses. On the 30th of July, the main body of the 
army, with Sir John Keane, Shah Soojah, and Mr. McNagh- 
ten, marched toward the capital ; from which, as they ap- 
proached, Dost Mohammed fled with a chosen body of horse- 
men, making his way to the west, beyond the reach of regular 
troops. 

Deserted by their ruler and every chieftain of any conse- 
quence, the Inhabitants of Cabool had little choice left them 
but to open their gates to the advancing columns of the British, 
who entered the Afghan capital, with Shah Soojah at their 
head, in all the pomp and circumstance of victory. There were 
none to oppose the placing the English nominee on the throne ; 
and this was accordingly done ; though it does not appear to 
bave occurred to any of the actors how they were to m.iiiage to 



206 BRITISH INDIA. 

keep him there without the presence of an overwhelming miU- 
tary force. 

Thus far the game had proceeded smoothly enough ; despito 
the privations of the troops, every thing had succumbed to 
them ; and if the miserable arrangements of a most defective 
commissariat had not involved the army in utter confusion, it 
was owing rather to good fortune than to any other con- 
tingency. 

The commander-in-chief hastened from the scene of his 
hollow exploits ; and scarcely resting at the seat of govern- 
ment, took his way home, to show himself to the British public 
as the conqueror of Afghanistan, receiving, as the fruit of his 
splendid achievement, a title and a pension ; the greatest ex- 
ploit of the entire campaign having been the blowing open of 
a wooden door with a few bags of gunpowder. 

The bulk of the troops followed their retreating commander; 
a small force being left behind in various positions, scarcely 
any of which were tenable against an enemy. Sir Alexander 
Burnes and Sir William MacNaghten were left at Cabool in a 
political capacity, with a garrison under the command of 
Major-general Elphinstone and General Sale, badly housed, 
and still worse provided with a commissariat. So miserably 
indeed, was this department conducted, that it was frequently 
only by dint of hard bribing, that any provisions could be pro- 
cured from the neighboring country. 

Matters remained tranquil through the first winter; which, 
in that country, proved a most severe season for the Company's 
troops, both European and native. The spring ushered in a 
foretaste of what was in store for the British. Dost Mohammed 
was known to be at no great distance from Cabool, raising the 
people, and inciting them to vengeance on the unbelieving in- 
vaders of their country. Akbar Khan, his "fighting" son, was 
everywhere leading large bodies of Afghan troops against the 
British outposts ; cutting off supplies, and harassing the troops 
in every possible manner. 

In the summer of this year (1840) some sharp encounters 
with the enemy took place, much to his discomfiture ; tho rude 



THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 297 

courage and brute energy of his wild troops being quite unablo 
to cope with the disciplined bravery of English regiments. 
After many desperate engagements, Dost Mohammed sur- 
rendered himself a prisoner to tiie British envoy, Sir W. Mac- 
Naghten ; and was, before the end of the year, sent beyond 
'the frontier. A pension of £30,000 a year was allowed him, 
and a residence for himself and his numerous family alloted 
at Mussoorie, on the north-western frontier, where he quietly 
remained, awaiting the course of events. 

They were not very long in casting their shadows on the 
foreground. Akbar Khan had' been no party to his father's 
submission ; and so far from contemplating a similar course, 
omitted no opportunity of falling upon any British force which 
came in his way. Month after month witnessed the same sys- 
tem of desultory warfare ;. always to the damage of the British., 
and seldom to that of the enemy, who were completely masters 
of this art of campaigning. 

Beyond this system of petty and vexatious warfare, and the 
evidently growing dislike of the people to British influence and 
presence in the country, there was little to disturb the course 
of events at Cabool. At the same time there were not wanting 
those who could see below the surface of things, and who 
prophesied the approaching storm. Hints, warnings, and ad- 
vice were alike thrown away upon the British envoy, who ap- 
peared to discredit all that did not coincide with his own pre- 
viously formed opinions.* 

This strange infatuation clung to him up to the last moment ; 
and when the 2d of November, 1841, ushered in a general 
rising of the people of Cabool, he was still unpersuaded of any 
real danger, and expressed a belief that "it would all blow 
over." It did blow over ; but it swept with it the existence 
of the whole English force. From that fatal morning the 
record of events in Afghanistan is a sad and terrible recital, 
uncheered by but one single bright and stirring deed — the 
gallant and apparently hopeless defense of Jellalabad by its 
small and ill-provided garrison. 

* The Military Operations at Cabool, &c., by Lieutenant Vincent Eyre. 



898 BRITISH INDIA. 

The massacre of Burnes, and every officer, woman, and child 
''ound with him in the city, was followed by the seizure of the 
commissariat, and the gathering of numerous bodies of Afghans 
within and about the walls. The energy and faculties of both 
officers and men seemed to have been completely paralyzed by 
the suddenness, rather than the greatness of the danger ; and 
in this manner many valuable days were suffered to pass, adding 
to the confidence and numbers of the enemy ; and in proportion 
dispiriting the British troops. Resistance did not form a part 
of the tactics adopted by this most unfortunate body of men, 
who preferred trusting to negotiations with men who were 
proverbial for their utter faithlessness, rather than to their o-wu 
energy. 

Toward the end of November, Akbar Khan arrived in 
Cabool with a chosen body of horse j and from that day mat- 
ters drew rapidly to a crisis. Conferences were held between 
the chief and the British envoy, which resulted in an arrange- 
ment that the British should immediately evacuate Afghan- 
istan, being guaranteed a safe passage to India and supplies 
of provisions. Dost Mohammed was to be permitted to return 
to his country. Shah Soojah to retire within British territories, 
and perpetual friendship to be firmly established between the 
two powers. 

The troops began to prepare for their humiliating march on 
the 14th December ; and on the 23d, as the remainder of the 
forces joined the main body, Sir W. MacNaghten was invited 
to a final conference with the Afghan chief, and during a short 
interview was killed by a pistol-shot, as some have declared, 
fired by the hand of Akbar Khan. 

The retreat of the English forces, amounting to 4500 men, 
and some 12,000 of camp-followers, took place, as arranged, 
on the 6th of January ; but no sooner had they cleared the 
walls of Cabool, than parties of Afghans harassed their rear 
and picked ofi" the stragglers day and night. The horrors of 
that humiliating retreat were heightened by the severity of the 
season and the difficulties of the country. First the wounded, 
and then the ladies and children, were given up to the Afghans 



THE EUROPEAN PEHIOD. 299 

as the only hope of saving them ; finally, abandoning all fur- 
ther hope, the soldiers and camp-followers gave themselves to 
despair, and either lay down to die in the snow, or fell in the 
rear, and were dispatched by Afghan bullets. From straggling 
shots the work of death proceeded until it became wholesale 
slaughter ; and before many days had elapsed, of all that host 
of twenty-six thousand souls but one Englishman, Dr. Brydon, 
and a few sepoys and followers, escaped with the terrible 
tidings to Jellalabad, where the gallant Sale held his position 
with the courage and determination of a hero. 

Meanwhile Candahar was held by General Nott and a strong 
body of troops ; Ghuznee was kept possession of by Colonel 
Palmer and a mere handful of sepoys ; whilst Shah Soojah 
contrived to make good his position in Cabool itself, despite 
the presence of Akbar Khan and the treachery or feebleness of 
nearly every Afghan chieftain. 

Determined, if possible, to obtain possession of the fortress 
of Jellalabad, Akbar Khan invested it with an army strong in 
numbers, but deficient in every requisite for conducting a siege. 
With the old crumbling walls of the fort tottering at every dis- 
charge of cannon, with wide gaps in their defenses, which any 
other enemy would have known how to avail himself of. Sale 
and h's gallant little party not only bid the besiegers bold 
defiant «, but sallied out for forage, and did no small mischief 
in the Afghan camp. 

Wh list the above was transpiring, and when the English 
captives, ladies, officers, and children, were dragging on a mis- 
erable existence in Afghan dungeons, General Pollock was 
making his way with a relief across the Punjab; and at tlie 
same moment, the instigators of all these disasters were issuing 
instructions for the withdrawal of the British troops from 
Cabool, leaving the prisoners of course to their fate. 

The winter of 1841 brought no hope for the pent-up gar- 
risons of the captives in Afghanistan. The troops of Akbar 
continued to press hard upon every fort in the possession df 
the English ; and though Jellalabad and Candahar held out 
gallantly, Palmer was compelled to evacuate Ghuznee, when, 



300 BRITISH INDlfi.. 

as was usually the case, nearly every man, woman, and child 
of the garrison was butchered as they marched out under the 
capitulation. Palmer was reserved for torture and imprison- 
ment, with one or two of his officers. 

At length brighter days dawned upon the army of the Indus 
The nervous and imbecile Auckland was replaced by Lord 
Ellenborough, a man of other mettle, who, though pestered by 
the fears and phantasies of the incompetent Council of Calcutta, 
acted on the impulsive feeling of doing that which alone could re- 
trieve the tarnished reputation of the army, and rescue the British 
captives by means alone consistent with the national honor. 
The word was given, and heard but to be joyfully obeyed. No 
second bidding was needed. Pollock continued to move for- 
ward with his troops to the relief of the gallant band in Jel- 
lalabad. The Afghans, under Akbar Khan, opposed the pas- 
sage of the Kyber Pass in vain ; driven from every point by 
the bayonet, the enemy fled before the British troops, and from 
the moment of emerging from that dangerous mountain-gorge 
the British forces met with no further resistance. The army 
of the Khan had melted away like snow before the noonday 
sun. 

On the 16th April, the troops of Pollock and Sale met under 
the tottering walls of Jellalabad, with what delight to all 
parties may be readily imagined. But all felt that the time 
was too precious to be wasted in mere rejoicings or congratu- 
lations. Both generals knew well the critical position of the 
remainder of our pent-up forces, the revengeful, impetuous 
temper of Akbar, and the imminent danger of the prisoners, 
among whom were the wife and daughter of Sale ; and they 
felt that if any decisive blow was to be struck,, it must be 
achieved at once, with the eclat of Pollock's recent victories 
still fresh in the minds of the enemy and their own troops. 
Had their own impulses only oeen consulted, Cabool would 
have been in their hands within a week ; but unfortunately a 
reference was yet to be made to the supreme government. 

It was thus the middle of August before a combined move* 
ment was made by the three generals, Nott, Pollock, and Sale, 



THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 301 

from Gandahar and Jellalabad. The former moved out with 
seven thousand troops ; and defeating one of the Afghan chiefs, 
who attempted to intercept his march, razed the walls and 
fortifications of Ghuznee, the scene of so much treachery and 
disaster to the British. On the other side, the combined forces 
of Pollock and Sale did not proceed without force ; but in 
every case in which opposition was offered, victory declared for 
them. Indeed, every sword that was drawn, every shot that 
was fired, told in honor of the British, and served but to render 
the cause of the Afghans more desperate. 

The final struggle for the mastery took place at the Khoord 
Cabool Pass, a most difficult and commanding position, where 
the enemy mustered in considerable numbers ; but to oppose in 
vain. Nothing could now restrain the British troops, who 
seemed eager for the fray, and driving the foe before them from 
every defile and mountain-path, sealed the fute of that short 
and glorious campaign. 

On the 15th of September, the forces of Pollock and Sale 
arrived at Cabool, where they found, as expected, that numer- 
ous changes had taken place. Revolutions and savage con- 
flicts had succeeded each other with rapidity. The chiefs had 
been divided among themselves in the support of the two 
rulers, and eventually the assassination of Shah Soojah had to 
a degree paved the way to something bearing the semblance 
of amity. No sooner did the news of the junction of the British 
forces at Jellalabad reach the ears of Akbar, than he prepared 
for flight, making arrangements at the same time for carrying 
his numerous prisoners with him into the wilds of Toorkhistan. 
On the notification of the advance of the generals toward the 
capital, the Afghan chief put his plans into execution ; and 
whilst ht hurried off his own treasures and family toward the 
northwest, and himself hastened to watch the steps of the 
British, the English captives, to the number of one hundred 
and twenty -two, were dispatched in charge of an Afghan khan, 
toward Bameen, where they were detained for upward of a 
week, awaiting farther instructions from Akbar. The orders 
of the latter had been to kill all the sick, wounded, or feeble, so 
26 



302 BRITISH INDIA. 

as to prevent any delay in their march ; but although the khan 
showed little regard for his charge, he hesitated to carry into 
execution these barbarous instructions.* 

Fortunately for the prisoners, this chief was easily swayed 
by interest. Avarice was his ruling passion ; and the oflBcers 
in his custody were not long in ascertaining that a bribe sufiQ- 
ciently liberal would induce their jailer to open the doors of 
their prison-house. The result of their negotiations was, that 
£2000 were to be paid down to the khan and a pension settled 
on him ; for which he was to fling off allegiance to Akbar, 
and maintain the party in the fort against all enemies until 
relief could be obtained. The position of independence taken 
up by the old khan and his followers and British companions, 
soon drew around them some of the neighboring chiefs, who 
doubtless were aware of the present aspect of affairs at Cabool, 
and were able to make a shrewd guess at the probable course 
of events. These people guaranteed support and aid to the 
English party; and at length, when news was brought to the 
latter of the successes of Pollock and the dispersion of Akbar's 
forces, they moved boldly and rejoicingly from their prison- 
fort, and turned their steps in the direction of Cabool. Their 
party was, however, but a small one ; and they were not with- 
out apprehensions lest Akbar might still be hovering about tc 
intercept any relief sent to them, the more so as some report 
reached them that a strong body of Afghan horse was follow 
ing in their steps to hurry them off to the banks of the Oxus. 

On the first evening of their bivouacking, they received de 
cided intelligence of the complete successes of the variou 
bodies ot British troops, and of the dispersion of the Afghan 
and their chief Akbar. The glad intelligence was confirmee** 
during that night by the arrival, in their little camp, of a native- 
trooper, bearing a letter from Sir Richard Shakespeare, inform- 
ing them of his near approach to their assistance with a strong 
body of Kussilbash horse. Before daylight the little party set 
forward on their way to meet their deliverers with beatinf 

* Journal of Imprisonment in Afghanistan : Lieutenant Y. Ejre. 



THE EUROTEAN PERIOD 



303 



B&^^?®5' 




LAI>T 8ALB. 



hearts ; and at noon, whilst resting under the shade of a ruined 
fort, they were gladdened by the approach of Sir Richard and 
his cavalry, mustering six hundred. 

^ Fears were, however, still entertained that an attempt at 
rescue might be made by the desperate Akbar, especially as a 
dangerous pass had to be traversed on their road to the capi- 
tal. Accordingly, a messenger was dispatched to General Pol- 
lock, requesting instant reinforcement ; ^whilst on their part 
every availafble means were used to push on their way, with 
but little rest or desire for halting. On the 20th they encoun 
tered an oflBcer who had ridden on in advance of the approach 



S04 BRITISH INDIA 

ing relief; and from him they gathered the joyful intelligenco 
that Genera] Sale's brigade was but a mile or two in the rear. 

The happiness of this day may be imagined. The long-lost 
wife and daughter were restored in safety to the man who had 
so gallantly maintained the honor of his country within the 
little fort of Jellalabad ; and many a missing one was met that 
day by friends or anxious relatives.* It was indeed a joyful 
meeting, and gladly did the whole party set forward to retrace 
their steps to the camp outside the city of Cabool. This they 
reached by sunset on the 21st, the British artillery rending the 
air with the glad echoes of their thundering welcome. 

The remainder of this eventful history may be soon told. By 
a proclamation issued at Simla, the governor-general declared, 
that having retrieved the disasters of the past, and taught the 
Afghans a lesson not likely to be soon forgotten, the British 
army should now evacuate that country and retire to Feroze- 
pore. After a short period employed in interring the thou- 
sands of skeletons of our slaughtered countrymen that literally 
strewed the scenes of the massacres of Cabool ; and after 
effectually demolishing the citadel, the walls, the Bala Hissur, 
and every building of any strength in the capital, the army of 
the Indus set out on its homeward march upon the 12th of 
October. 

At Ferozepore the troops were received by the governor- 
general and his staff, and many and hearty were the congratu- 
lations given and received upon this happy termination to a 
sad and fatal campaign. f Rejojcings and festivities wound up 
that which had begun in rashness and infatuation, and con- 
summated in disgrace, bloodshed, and imprisonment. Heavy 
as was the retribution that descended on the actors in- the 
Afghan tragedy, the remembrance of the errors and disasteib 
of the expedition will live long and sadly in the recollection 
of the British in India. 

For a time it appeared as though peace was firmly established 
on the. Indian continent ; but to those who could see below the 

♦ Journal of Imprisonment in Afghanistan :^Eyre. f Ladj- Sale's JournaL 



THE 3EUR0PEAN PERIOD. 806 

Btrrface of thiitgs, the tranquillity was but a deceptive lull, a 
caliu ushering in the tempest that was soon to burst forth in 
another quarter. 

The treacherous conduct of the Araeers of Scinde during the 
Afghan campaign was not mende-d on the return of the annj 
fiom that country, the Ameers judging that the array would 
not have retired so soon unless it had met with further reverses. 
The evacuation of Afghanistan was looked upon by them as a 
virtual defeat; and it soon became pretty evident that thtir 
feelings toward the British were not improved, nor their dispo- 
sition more friendly, in consequence of that impression. Grave 
doubts have been since entertained by many with reg&td to the 
propriety and justice of the Company's operations in the Scinde 
country ; but there appears to be no question, that whilst the 
rulers of that territory entertained the hostile feelings toward the 
British which they did, no security could for a moment exist for 
the tranquillity of the state, and that sooner or later the events 
which were tiien brought about must of necessity have occurred. 

Cautions, warnings, and every friendly means were employed 
toward the Ameers, to induce an amicable disposition, or at 
any rate a peaceful line of conduct ; but all these means seem 
to have been employed in vain ; and when it was evident that 
but one course must be adopted, Lord Ellenborough was not 
slow to order its execution. 

The Ameers had, during the entire winter season of 1842, 
been busily engaged in gathering their forces and taking up a 
menacing position ; whilst the veteran Sir Charles Napier 
strengthened his own attitude, and made every disposition for 
actiiig so soon as the proper moment should arrive. That 
moment occurred in the early part of February, The Britit^h 
residency at Hyderabad was attacked with great fury by a large 
and desperate body of the Ameers' troops ; and it was not 
without difficulty that the English officials were enabled to 
make good their retreat and join their friends within the .camp 
at a short distance from the city. 

Sir Charles, with his small but well-disciplined band of 2100 
of all arms, nooved across the Indus and approached the enemy '^ 
26* 



806 BRITISH INDIA. 

position, which was a remarkably strong one, near the village 
of Meeanee. Their forces amounted to fully 30,000 irifantry 
and 5000 h )rse, with a train of 15 guns well served on the 
European system. A stronger position than that occupied by 
their main body could scarcely be conceived. A natural ravine 
of considerable depth protected them in front, whilst their 
ihmks were well sheltered by extensive forests and broken 
ground. Formidable as their entrenchment appeared, the 
]>ritish general did not for a moment hesitate about the attack ; 
but on the morning of the 17th of February gave the signal for 
the assault. 

Moving rapidly forward from their open position on the 
plain, the English and sepoy regiments advanced gallantly 
toward the thickly guarded ravine, behind which bristled 
myriads of glittering weapons. Cheering each other on, re- 
gardless of the storm which swept their ranks from the Scinde 
artillery, they plunged into the dangerous ravine, and rushing 
up the opposite bank, which they strewed with their dead and 
wounded, made for the top of the embankment, where the 
enemy stood matchlock in hand to receive them. The gallant 
22d, an Irish regiment, led the way; and quick as thought 
were on the summit of the entrenchment, behind which they found 
awaiting them, a glittering forest of steel and a barrier of buck- 
lers, vast masses of Beloochee swordsmen, whose numbers and 
savage shouts must have struck dismay into the he^eirts of any 
but such as were opposed to them. Shout for shout was given, 
cheer for cheer, and lowering the queen of weapons — the bay- 
oneted musket — the little handful of heroes rushed upon the 
vast force opposed to them. 

The conflict was lonj? and bloodv. Yalor could but do its 
utmost; and the sweeping discharges from the thickly, well- 
planted Scinde artillery on their flank told fearfully upon the 
courageous band who strove against this mighty host. For 
every score of Beloochees who fell before the British bayonet 
an English soldier was swept away by the murderous dis- 
charge of grape ; and although each gap was gallantly filled 
np from the rear, their numbers went on thinninf^ hour after 



THE EUROPEAN PERIOD 307 

hour, whilst the raultitnde opposed to thera seemed to be as 
numerous as ever, so little was the havoc amidst their ranks 
perceptible.* 

Victory seemed about to declare against the small band of 
assailants ; the greater part of their officers were killed or dis- 
abled ; and the sepoys, without a leader, more than once made 
a retrograde movement. At this critical juncture a charge was 
ordered to be made on the enemy's right by the small body of 
horse under Colonel Pattle, which had the effect of at once de- 
ciding the fate of the day. The British cavalry did their duty 
nobly ; and the Beloochees finding themselves in danger on 
their flank, began to move slowly but defiantly from the field. 
Kesistance was no longer thought of; and the British guns in 
their turn swept all before them, whilst cavalry and infantry 
carried on the work of destruction until nature became ex- 
hausted, and they could do no more. 

On the following day Sir Charles summoned the Ameers, 
who had remained safely within the fortifications of Hyderabad, 
to surrender their persons and their authority into his hands 
without delay, in default of which he threatened to storm the 
city. The mandate was obeyed by the entrance within his 
camp of six of these chiefs, who proceeded to lay at the feet of 
the British general their swords and insignia of royalty. " Their 
misfortunes," said Sir Charles in his dispatches, " were of their 
own creating ; but as they were great, I gave them back their 
swords ;" and doubtless he knew full well the utter uselessness 
of those weapons to men who looked on from their fortified 
walls whilst the brave but mercenary troops of Belooohistan 
were fighting their battle. One other action, that of Dubba, 
and the power of the Ameers was forever annihilated ; and 
when one or two turbulent bands of marauders had been swept 
from the country, the British flag waved supreme to the borders 
of Beloochistan. 

The immediate consequence of these decisive victories wti: 
the annexation of Sciude to the territories of the Company, m 

• Major-General W. F. P. Napier's Conquest of Scinde. 



808 BRITISH INDIA. 

a proclamation dated on the 5th of March, 1843, from Agra, 
the governor-general announced that the conquered territories 
bad become part of the Company's eastern dominions. On 
the 15th of the same month, Major-General Sir Charles Napier 
was appointed governor of this province ; and a declaration 
was made relative to the manumission of all slaves within the 
boundaries of Scinde, the free passage of the Indus to the com- 
merce of the world, and the abolition of all transit-duties. 

Scarcely had this proclamation been made generally known, 
when troubles, though of far less magnitude, awaited the 
government in another direction, and nearer home. The in- 
dependent Mahratta state of Gwalior had been for a long 
period the scene of great confusion and strife, giving ample 
employment to the British resident at its court, under whose 
protection the reigning family held their authority. The de- 
cease of the last rajah, and the consequent regency of his widow 
during the minority of his successor, opened the door to end- 
less intrigues and difficulties. Ministers of pacific views, and 
favorable to the English policy, were rudely set aside by the 
widow for others of questionable character, and holding 
opinions directly opposite. Plots, conspiracies, and insurrec- 
tions split the country from one end to the other ; until, deter- 
mined that such an unquiet and dangerous neighbor could not 
be permitted, the governor-general ordered a force to enter 
the maharajah's territories, in order to assert his just authority, 
and give security to his person and power. 

yhis army was conducted by Sir Hugh Gough, accompanied 
by Lord Ellenborough, and moved from Agra in the early part 
of December ; whilst a second division, under Major-General 
Grey, advanced from Bundelcund. The first and main division 
crossed the Kohuree river on the 29th December, and took up 
a position not far from the village of Maharajpoor, where the 
Mahratta army lay strongly encamped, mustering fully eighteen 
thousand men, a strong body of cavalry, and a hundred guns. 
The British troops amounted to fourteen thousand men, with 
forty pieces of artillery. 

The attack was commenced by Major-General Littler'a 



THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 309 

column charging full upon the enemy's front. The advanc- 
ing regiments were received with a furious and deadly cannon- 
ade, which sensibly thinned their ranks, whilst the Mahratta 
troops gave them a warm reception from their matchlocks. 
Nothing, however, could stem the torrent that swept up to the 
mouths of the enemy's cannons, bayoneting their gunners and 
driving all before them. Flinging away their matchlocks, the 
Mahrattas fled to the village, where, sword in hand, they made 
a desperate stand, but in vain. The small but dashing brigade 
of cavalry, under General Valiant, charged Maharajpoor in 
the rear, cut up the flanks of the enemy, and effectually sealed 
the fate of the now defeated and flying Mahratta force. 

The loss of the enemy in this hard-fought battle was believed 
to have been from three to four thousand in killed and wounded, 
besides all their cannon and stores. The victory, however, was 
not purchased without cost on the side of the British. Upward 
of one hundred killed, of whom seven were officers, and nearly 
seven hundred in the hospitals, told of the severity of the 
conflict.* 

Whilst the roar of the hundred and forty opposing guns at 
Maharajpoor sent forth their deadly echoes, almost within 
sound of them another struggle was maintained, equally de- 
cisive, though less fatal. General Grey's column, moving 
toward the capital from Bundelkund, encountered a strong 
Mahratta force at Punniar, but twelve miles distant from their 
destination. The action was sharp but brief. The enemy 
stood no more than the first charge, of the British infantry, and 
fled to the heights, whence they were driven at the point of the 
bayonet, and finally scattered through the country. 

The two armies united beneath the walls of Gwalior, where^ 
having no alternative, the Durbar immediately made every 
submission to the terms imposed by the British. It was stipu- 
lated that Gwalior should in future be protected by a British 
subsidiary force, paid from the revenues of the country ; that 
an English officer and garrison should hold possession of the 

• Sir Hugh Gough's dispatch. 



310 



BRITISH INDIA. 



fort of Gwalior ; and that the state should pay all the expens'is 
of the war. 

Thus ended the brief but glorious military career of Lord 
Ellenborough, who, during the short tenure of his office, had 
accomplished more than any other man for the pacification of 
India ; and when, through intrigues and jealousies, he was 
shortly after recalled by the Court of Directors, his departure 
was deeply regretted by all who wished well to good govern- 
ment and the security of the Britis^h Eastern possessions 





RUNJEKT BISO. 



CHAPTER Yin. 

THE WARS IN THE PUNJAB, AND THE ANNEXATION OF THB 
COUNTRY OP THE FIVE RIVERS TO THE BRITISH DOMINIONS. 
— A. D. 1844-1849. 

On the arrival of Sir Henry Hardinge in India as governor- 
general, iu the summer of 1844, he found the vast territories 
under the British rule in the most profound peace. This able 
and indefatigable man had ample leisure to make himself master 
of very many details of government, which he was not slow to 
discover needed much reform. He did his best to bring about 
a better and more friendly feeling between the services ; he 
fuiibered the claims of the native army to many privileges ; he 
promoted a stricter discipline amongst the troops generally ; 
be aided in the organization of railway companies in India ; 
and, in short, did all that lay in his power, during so short 
a period, to promote tne welfare of many sections of the 
community. 

But the course of Indian events was not long destined for 
this pacification. One more storm of war and bloodshed was 

(3U> 



312 BRITISH INDIA. 

gatliering in the north ; another fierce struggle was about 
to overwhelm a vast tract of fruitful and populous country in 
its calamities and its suflferings ; and Sir Henry, peacefully as 
he may have been disposed, could not avoid the career tha 
was awaiting him. 

The decease of Runjeet Sing, the Lion of Lahore, in 1839 
had paved the way to an infinity of intrigues, plots, and counter 
plots at and around the capital of the Punjab. The death of 
the " Lion," soon followed by that of the grandson, not without 
suspicion of design ; the struggles for the viziership ; the in- 
trigues of the ranee, or queen-mother; and: the subsequent 
assassinations of rival chiefs which took place at Cabool, bore 
testimony to the absence of any controlling power in the state. 
Indeed, the only parties who appeared to be endowed with any 
faculty for directing the course of events were two French 
officers, promoted to the rank of generals by Runjeet Sing, 
and who had brought the army of the Punjab into a state of 
high efficiency, more especially its ordnance department. 

The young maharajah, Dhulup Sing, a child of four years, 
and his mother, although nominally at the head of affairs, were 
really in the hands of the Sikh soldiery ; these, clamoring for 
their arrears of pay, and anxious for some occupation which 
might bring with it a chance of spoil, sought to be led against 
their English neighbors, whom they considered their enemies 
How far this feeling may have been fostered by the French 
officers, who, it was known, always possessed great influence 
amongst them, it is not easy to judge. This hostile passion 
was kept up, until at length the ranee became a party, unwill- 
ingly, to a demonstration in the direction of the Sutlej 
Ghoolab Singh, brother to the late vizier of the " Lion," wag 
pressed in vain, first, to accept the dangerous office, of vizier ; 
secondly, to join the war-party against the British. It would have 
been equally dangerous to have openly opposed the movement; 
Ghoolab therefore contented himself with taking no part in the 
preparations, and under various pretenses absenting himself 
from the scene of military activity. When at last the war had 
actually begun, and he could no longer avoid acting in some 



THE EUROrEAN PERIOD. 313 

way, he prudently declined any command in the army, prefer- 
ring to remain at the head of his own immediate followers, 
ready for any special service that might present itself.* 

The preparations which were now being made at Lahore for 
the passage of the Sutlej could not be kept a secret; and long 
before the public had any idea of what was going on, the 
governor-general had expeditiously but quietly concentrated 
thirty-two thousand men and sixty-eight guns in and about 
P'erozepore, Doodianah, and Umballa. In the early part of 
December, the intelligence forwarded to head-quarters respect- 
ing the warlike preparations in the Punjab were of such a 
definite and unmistakable character, that Sir H. Hardinge at 
once made his way to the camp at Umballa, though without at 
that time having any belief in the intention of the Sikh army 
to invade the B^iti^:h territories in considerable numbers. From 
Umballa the governor-general proceeded onward to Loodi- 
anah, inspecting the various cantonments, and generally making 
himself acquainted with the actual position of affairs. 

On the Yth and 8th of December, intelligence was received 
by the governor-general from Lahore, of such a nature as at 
once to induce him to issue instructions to the commander-in- 
chief to move up the whole of his force from Umballa, Meerut, 
and other minor posts. On the 9th, a portion of the Sikh 
array had approached to within a few miles of Ferozepore ; 
whilst further advance along the river-line showed that the 
most active preparations were being carried on for hostile pur- 
poses. By the 12th of December the whole of the LTmballa 
and reserve forces were in full mareh toward the appointed 
rendezvous ; and at the same time orders were issued to Briga- 
dier Wheeler, at Loodianah, to be prepared to move up with 
his force of five thousand men and twelve guns at a moment's 
notice. During this day more precise information was received 
as to the Sikh movements ; and on the following mcTrning in- 
telligence was brought in that the enemy had crossed the Sutlej, 

* Macgregor's History of -the Sikhs. 

2r . 



Blf BRITISH INDIA. 

and were concentrating in great force on the left bank of th« 
river.* 

Affairs having arrived at this point,, the governor-general 
issued a proclamation, setting forth the unprovoked nature of 
the Sikh invasion, declaring the territories on the left of the 
Sutlej annexed to the British possessions, and calling upon all 
friendly and well-disposed natives to aid in the restoration of 
peace, and at the same time cautioning all evil-doers as to the 
consequences of their acts. 

Brigadier Wheeler was immediately ordered up with his force 
of four thousand five hundred men and twenty-one guns to 
cover Bussean, where a large depot of stores for the army had 
been collected; and by the afternoon of the 14th he was in 
position before that place. Two days later, the main column 
from Umballa, under the commander-in-chief, arrived at the 
same spot. At that moment, the Sikhs were completing the 
passage of the Sutlej with their heavy artillery and trains ; and 
on the 17th their main body, consisting of twenty-five thousand 
regulars and eighty-eight guns, under the command of Lai 
Singh, moved into position at the Tillage of Forozshah ; whilst 
another force of twenty-three thousand men and sixty-seven 
guns encamped opposite Ferozepore. The Sikhs commenced 
throwing up earth-works around their camps, and preparing 
for a vigorous contest. The governor-general and commander- 
in-chief pushed on with their main column toward Ferozepore ; 
and at mid-day halted at the village of Moodkee, where they 
snatched some hasty rest and a little refreshment, after a long 
and harassing march. 

The repose of the troops was soon broken by intelligence 
that at no greater distance than three miles a large body of the 
enemy were encamped, chiefly cavalry, with twenty-two guns. 
The troops were immediately called to arms, placed in position, 
and moved forward to meet the enemy. 

The cavalry, under Brigadiers White, Gough, and Mactier 
were advanced rapidly to the front, and occupying the open 

* Dispatch from Sir H. Harding© to Secret Gommittee. 



THE feUROPEAN PERIOD. 315 

plain gave good cover to the infantry whilst forming. The 
horse-artillery speedily followed, flanking the cavalry. In a 
short time the Sikh artillery, which was well secured behind 
a quantity of low jungle, opened a brisk and rather telling 
fire upon the advancing columns, which was replied to with 
great spirit by the British horse-artillery and the light field- 
batteries, which had by this time moved up. These directed 
such a steady and judicious fire, that the enemy were for a 
time shaken, and, seizing the opportune moment, the com- 
mander-in-chief ordered a cavalry charge upon the left flank of 
the Sikhs, whilst a similar one was directed upon their right. 

Both of these succeeded to admiration ; the charges of the 
British horse sweeping every thing before them, up to the very 
guns, and nothing but the irregularity of the ground and the 
dense cover of the jungle saved the enemy from far heavier 
loss. 

lu the meantime, the infantry was moved on to the charge, 
covered by the vigorous tire of the horse-artillery, brought 
close to the low jungle in front of their lines. Sir H. Smith, 
Sir John M'Caskill, and General Gilbert led on the troops in 
echellon of lines, and pouring in upon their close ranks a murr 
derous fire, soon taught the enemy the eflBcacy of the British 
musket. From position to position the Sikhs were driven ; 
and so often as they stood, the bayonet was resorted to with 
fatal and unerring effect. 

The day was thus won from the enemy ; and making the 
best of their way from the field, with the loss of great numbers 
of their troops and seventeen of their guns, they sought shelter 
within their camp at Ferozshah. The slaughter was only 
fitayed by the weariness of the troops and the spreading dark- 
ness, for the last two hours of the conflict had been carried on 
by a dim and uncertain light. When the British moved back 
to their camp at Moodkee it was midnight. 

The loss on the side of the British was severe for the duration 
of the struggle, the chief execution having been from the Sikh 
artillery. The number of killed was sixteen officers and two 
hundred men j that of the wounded, forty-eight officers and six 



316 ' BRITISH INDIA. 

hundred men ; and this was out of a force of twelve thousand 
rank and file. Amongst those who fell at this time, deeply re- 
gretted, was General Sir Robert Sale, the hero of Jellalabad, 
who fell with his left thigh shattered by grape-shot. 

This victory was at once followed up by preparations for 
further efforts ; for it was well known that the enemy would not 
long remain inactive under their late severe discomfiture. Some 
heavy artillery was brought up from the rear, escorted by 
several fresh regiments. Sir John Littler was ordered up from 
Ferozepore with all his available force, in order to effect a 
junction with the main body, and, in concert with them, to 
attack the Sikh entrenched lines. 

Accordingly Sir John moved off with one-half of his force, 
amounting to five thousand five hundred, together with twenty- 
one guns, leaving the remainder in Ferozepore, to maintain 
that post and watch the movements of Tej Singh and his army 
encamped against it. This was early on the 21st; by eleven 
o'clock on that day the main body had advanced from Moodkee 
and taken up a position opposite the entrenched camp of the 
Sikh array, which contained a total force of thirty-five thousand 
Boldiers and eighty-eight guns, whilst that of the British com- 
prised less than eighteen thousand rank and file and sixty-five 
guns. 

The Sikh lines were about a mile in length and half a mile 
in breadth, strongly placed, and ready to receive an enemy 
from whatever quarter he might advance. The ground in front 
of the army was flat, and interspersed with low jungle. The 
three divisions of the British army having been placed in line, 
the artillery was stationed in the centre, with the exception of 
three troops of horse-artillery, placed on each flank, and in 
support. The reserve, under Sir Harry Smith, with the cavalry, 
formed the second line. 

The engagement was commenced by the British artillery 
a;dvancing and pouring in rapid and well-directed charges upon 
the Sikh lines until' within three hundred yards, when the guna 
were unlimbered, and a further heavy and continuous discharge 
kept up, until the word was given for the infantry to charge 



THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 311 

and seize the Sikh guns, which continued to be served with- 
murderous effect. This heavy and bloody task was performed 
with matchless courage and rapidity, and the eneray'a artillery 
in the centre was for the time silenced. On the left, Littler's 
brigade had done wonders ; but the storm of grape and shot 
which fell amidst them caused them to stagger, and make a 
retrograde movement, which was, however, supported by a 
portion of the reserve under Sir Harry Smith. The centre and 
right divisions, under Generals Wallace and Gilbert, were suc- 
cessfal at every point ; and the battle seemed to be won, when 
unfortunately night fell so suddenly as not only to prevent the 
decisive blow being struck, but to cause not a little confusion 
and danger from the extreme proximity of.friends and foes. 

In this critical position, the main body of the troops were 
withdrawn to a few hundred yards from the Sikh camp, where 
they rested during the remainder of the night under arms. 
About midnight, however, some of the Sikh guns, which had 
not been taken possession of, were brought to bear upon the 
British column as they lay on the ground, doing considerable 
execution. The governor-general mounted his horse, and 
calling on the 80th Regiment and a portion of the first Bengal 
Europeans, led them against the annoying guns, which were 
carried at a charge, and spiked. 

That night was one of intense anxiety to the commanders ; 
their loss had been most severe ; they were within a few hundred 
yards of an enemy still formidable, with a heavy reserve under 
Tej Singh, no doubt on its way up from Ferozepore ; whilst 
Littler's and Sir H. Smith's divisions had been' compelled to 
retire from the left, and nothing was known as to their position. 

The spirit of the troops was, however, admirable ; and weary 
and harassed as they were by long marching and hard fighting, 
all seemed animated with but one spirit — a determination to 
finish the work so gloriously begun, and drive the enemy be- 
yond the Sutlej. At early dawn this portion of the army was 
put under arms, deployed into line, and led on at once againsc 
the Sikh entrenchments, without waiting for the other divisions. 
A few volleys, a round or two of grape, and the bayonet did 
21* 



318 BRITISHINDTA. 

the rest most eflfectuallj. The troops having secured the whole 
of the seventy-six guns opposed to them, now wheeled rapidly 
round, swept past the village of Ferozshah, and in this way 
cleared the entire length of the enemy's works, who retired 
upon their reserve, which at that moment appeared in sight. 

The remaining divisions of the army now effected a junctiop. 
with the centre and right ; and thus reinforced, ill provided as 
thej were with ammunition, the British commanders would 
have had no hesitation in advancing against their new enemy, 
had there been any disposition shown to await an attack. But 
such was not the intention of tlip Sikh generals ; disheartened 
and alarmed, the discomfited troops of Ferozshah communi- 
cated to their comrades the panic which they themselves felt, 
and at once moving off with a few flourishes of their remaining 
artillery, made for the banks of the Sutlej, which river they 
quickly left behind them. 

To follow up this decisive victory, as inclination would have 
prompted, was rendered impossible by the want of cavalry and 
ammunition, nearly the whole of the latter having been ex- 
hausted during the recent engagements ; and the commander- 
in-chief was therefore fain to content himself with seeing the 
enemy fairly across the river, and await reinforcements from the 
rear. 

That day and several following were fully occupied with the 
care of the wounded, numbering upward of seventeen hundred. 
Ferozepore was converted into a hospital, until the sick could 
be conveyed to a place of greater security ; and during the 
time of their sojourn there, the governor-general was most un- 
remitting in his personal inspection of their comforts. The 
British loss in killed was heavy ; 694 were found dead in the 
field ; and of the wounded 595 died in the hospitals, or were 
disabled from further service. 

The same cause which had compelled Sir Hugh Gough to 
allow Tej Singh to recross the Sutlej unmolested, prevented 
him from marching on Lahore, and finishing the war under its 
walls. Nearly two months were spent in waiting for the arrival 
of a batteriftg train, and reinforcements of both infantry and 



THE EIROPEAN PERIOD 319 

caTalry ; during which period the Sikhs, recovering from the 
first shock of their disaster at Ferozepore, cuininenced prepara- 
tions for the defense of their territories on an extensive scale, 
and with considerable skill. Throwing a bridge of boats across 
the Sutlej, the enemy took up a position of much strength on 
its left bank, and at once commenced forming entrenchments 
of great extent and solidity., under the superintendence of a 
French officer of engineers. At the same time a strong body 
of Sikhs, numbering about 15,000 men and fifty-six guns, 
crossed the river in the immediate neighborhood of Loodianah, 
and took up a position at the village of Aliwal. 

As soon as the commander-in-chief was strengthened by the 
fresh troops ordered up, he dispatched Sir H. Smith with o 
force of 7,000 men and 24 guns to relieve Loodianah, threat- 
ened as it was by the advance of the enemy in its vicinity. The 
object was speedily and most completely effected. Sir Harry, 
although harassed in his march by many rear and flank attacks, 
during some of which he lost much of his baggage, pushed on 
with determination for the main body of the enemy, which he 
knew was not far distant. 

On the 2Tth of January the British troops found themselves 
opposed to the Sikh forces under Runjoor Singh, now rein- 
forced by 4000 more regular troops and twelve field-pieces. 
On the morning of the 28th, Sir Harry Smith, having with him 
by that time nearly 10,000 men, advanced to the attack with his 
entire line, warmly received by the enemy's artillery. After a 
brief cannonade and a cavalry charge, the infantry moved up in 
gallant style ; and though opposed with a well-served artillery 
force, swept all before them. The viKage of Aliwal, the 
enemy's chief position, was carried at the point of the bayonet : 
the British cannon cut up the heavy masses of Sikh troops; 
and the 16th Lancers, by their brilliant charges, completed 
the Iriumph of the day by capturing every gun opposed to 
them, and driving the foe, with terrible slaughter, across the 
river. 

The total discomfiture of this body of the enemy left the 
British generals at liberty to direct their full attention to the 



320 BRITISH INDIA 

works carrying on by the Sikhs at Sobraon, wliich were rapidly 
assuming an importance tliat promised to render them truly 
formidable. But the much-needed heavy artillery had not yet 
reached the camp; and without it, operations against the 
enemy's works would have been deemed most injudicious. On 
the 8th of February, Sir Harry Smith joined the main army 
with his forces ; and on the following day the long-expected 
heavy guns reached the camp. Not a moment was lost after 
the receipt of this much-needed arm of war. On the morning 
of the 10th, long before daybreak, the troops moved out of 
camp, and marched to the position assigned them, opposite the 
enemy's works. The British troops numbered somewhat above 
16,000 rank and file, with 99 guns ; the Sikh force consisted 
of 34,000 men within the entrenchments, and 20,000 of reserved 
troops, with seventy pieces of artillery. 

The enemy's position was a most formidable one, and had 
cost them much labor during several months. It was, indeed, 
considered by them as perfectly impregnable to any force that 
could be brought against it ; and when it is considered how 
strong was the army posted within those massive fortifications, 
behind three lines of trenches, and how ably their artillery was 
served, the victory of the small British force which carried 
those vaunted works must be allowed to have been no ordinary 
achievement. 

From six until past eight o'clock the artillery maintained an 
incessant roar of destruction, aided by that fatal weapon the 
rocket. At nine the command was issued for the troops to 
move forward to the attack ; and supported on either flank by 
troops of horse-artillery, the infantry advanced to test the 
vaunted strength of the Sikh fortifications. They were received 
by a tremendous fire from cannon, muskets, and camel-guns ; 
and so murderous was the discharge from the entrenchments, 
and so completely exposed were the advancing troops, tha^ it ap- 
peared impossible that any body of men could stand such havoc. 
If there was any halting or indecision under this fearful fire, it 
was but momentary ; the charge was renewed, and in a few more 
Bhort minutes the advanced troops of the column were within the 



THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 321 

fatal works. Other divisions of the army met with an equally 
desperate resistance on either w'lu^, and in more than one place 
the attacking column was forced back several times, again and 
again returning to the charge with undaunted valor. At 
length line after line was entered at the bayonet's point ; and 
to make victory still more decisive, a gallant charge of cavalry 
under Major-general Thackwall followed up the blow, silenced 
the Sikh guns, and drove the retreating mass over their bridge 
of boats and into the river. Great was the slaughter of the 
flying foe by the light field-pieces of the British ; hundreds 
were cut to pieces by the horse-artillery in crossing the Sutlej, 
and many more drowned in the confusion. 

The fruits of this victory were 67 guns, 200 camel-swivels, 
and a great number of standards. But these trophies were 
purchased at a cost of 320 killed and 2063 wounded, including 
many valuable officers, amongst others, the veteran Sir Kobert 
Dick. 

This decisive battle was at once followed up by a movement 
on Lahore ; and although endeavors were made by Ghoolab 
Singh to divert the governor-general from his resolution, the 
troops proceeded on their way, and encamped beneath the city 
walls. There a treaty was drawn up and formally executed, 
by which the whole expense of the war, amounting to a million 
and a half sterling, was undertaken to be paid by the Lahore 
government. The guns taken by the Company's troops were 
to be retained, and all those which had ever been pointed 
against them were to be delivered up ; whilst the Sikh troops 
and their leaders were to receive instant dismissal. Subse- 
quently it was arranged that a strong garrison was to be left in 
Lahore by the British, for the protection of the inhabitants and 
the security of the Maharajah's authority ; and in accordance 
with this, Sir John Littler was left there with 10,000 men. 

Thus terminated the first Punjab war, having occupied but 
sixty days, and beheld the complete dispersion of the Sikh 
forces. Upward of 200 pieces of their best artillery had fallen 
into the hands of the British; and of 100,000 fighting men, 
not 30,000 remained together. The cost of the war had bc-cii 



S22 BRITISH INDIA. 

defrayed by the vanquished ; and, on the whole, the campaign 
appeared to have been not only the most decisive, but the most 
important in its results of any that the British forces in India 
had been engaged in. 

At the close of 1848, the Earl of Dalhousie assumed the 
supreme government of India. On his arrival he found the 
most apparently profound tranquillity reigning ; and there 
, seemed for the time every probability of his rule being one of 
an entirely pacific nature. But, as with his predecessor, it 
soon became evident that he was destined to heighten the repu- 
tation of the British arms, and to extend their triumphs and 
their possessions. 

The first indication of trouble came from Mooltan, the capi- 
tal of a petty state situated between the Indus and the Sutlej. 
Moolraj, its governor, first showed signs of unfriendly feeling, 
and eventually assumed a hostile attitude by the assassination 
of the British assistant political resident, Mr. Vans Agncw, 
and Lieutenant Anderson of the Bombay army. This treach- 
ery brought forward Lieutenant Edwardes and a party of Sikh 
horse, who, being reinforced by Colonel Cortlande's troops and 
some pieces of light artillery, and further aided by the auziliary 
forces of the Khan of Bhawulpore, attacked and defeated 
Moolraj on two several occasions with considerable slaughter. 

The chief then fell back upon Mooltan, to which the troops 
under Cortlande and Edwardes would have at once laid siege, 
had they been provided with the necessary guns ; they were 
compelled, therefore, to sit before it and keep up a simple 
blockade until the 18th of August, when they were opportunely 
reinforced by General Whish with two regiments of native in- 
fantry, one of horse, and a troop of horse-artillery. Other 
forces arrived at nearly the same time from Ferozepore with 
that which was most needed, a battering train of considerable 
weight, and further horse-artillery and light horse. With 
these various reinforcements the besieging army amounted to 
28,000 men, of whom about 6000 were British, and the opera- 
tions were accordingly pushed forward with vigor. Early in 
September several successful attacks were made on the enem^'i 



THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 323 

ontworks, and one or two sallies of the garrison repulsed with 
considerable loss to them j but the aspect of affairs was sud- 
denly changed by a large party of the Sikh allies under Shere 
Singh going over to the enemy. This compelled the British 
to abandon their operations, and retire to a strong position at 
a short distance from Mooltan. 

The defection of the Sikhs had been doubtless brought about 
by the intelligence that Chutter Singh had collected a body of 
insurgents in the Hazerah district, and made an attempt upon 
the fort of Attock. Foiled in this, the chief pushed rapidly 
forward to Peshawur, where, the British force being greatly 
reduced in numbers, the resident, Major Lawrence, and his 
lady, were compelled to fly to Kohat and put themselves under 
the protection of the khan of that place. They were, however, 
given up to Chatter Singh, together with Lieutenant Borrie. 

Another Sikh war now became inevitable. The forces under 
Chutter Singh and Shere Singh united ; other chiefs flocked to 
their standards, and they were not long in mustering an army 
of 30,000 troops eager for plunder, or any prospect of employ- 
ment, as preferable to a state of peace. The enemy now took 
a position at Ramnugger, near Wuzeerabad, having the 
Chenab flowing in their front, and strongly flanked by artillery. 

Keinforcements having reached the British army at Feroze- 
pore, the commander-in-chief. Lord Gough, moved forward to 
Saharum on the 21st of November, and prepared at once for 
action. At two o'clock on the following morning the troo[)S 
moved forward in the most perfect silence and with as much 
order as though on parade. Arrived at Bamnugger, the troops 
were placed in position, whilst the horse-artillery pushed on in 
advance toward the enemy's lines, which were then distinctly 
visible, and commenced a sharp fire upon them. This seemed 
to make but little impression ; and the heavy guns of the Sikhs 
beginning to return the cannonade, it became apparent that 
these two branches of the armies were most unequally matched- 

The enemy determined to act vigorously and on the offen 
sive, pushing across the river a strong body of their best cavalry 
under the fire of their heavy batteries. These were imme- 



321 BRITISH INDIA. 

diately charged by the 5th Light Cavalry and the 14th 
Dragoons, and driven back to the entrenchments, though not 
without heavy loss being sustained by these two regiments, 
especially in officers. Amongst others who fell from the heavy 
cannonade the troops were exposed to were General Cureton, 
Colonel Havelock, and Captain Fitzgerald. 

At length, after sustaining a furious fire from the British 
guns, and giving way to the infantry charges in several places, 
Shere Singh thought it prudent to abandon his camp and 
works, and rapidly withdrew toward the Jhelum in tolerably 
good order. 

Preparations were now made by Lord Gough to follow up 
this victory by advancing in the direction of Lahore, and 
driving the enemy before him. Whilst this was being carried 
into execution, events of a stirring nature were enacting before 
Mooltan, which was once more standing a siege from the 
British under General Whish ; and fresh troops having arrived 
from the south, the siege was carried on with the utmost vigor, 
as Moolraj soon found to his cost. The cannonade kept up by 
the Bombay artillery was incessant and destructive. Wall 
after wall crumbled before the fury of the battering train. The 
suburbs were taken, the powder-magazine in the fort blown up, 
breaches in the fortifications effected, and at last, in spite of 
desperate sorties and counter-works, the town was stormed, 
and the British colors planted on its walls on the 2d of 
January. 

The citadel still held out, and the courageous Moolraj ap 
peared bent on no surrender so long as a wall was left stand- 
ing. By the 21st the huge works of the fortress were under- 
mined and several practicable breaches opened in them, so that 
orders were given for the troops to be in readiness for storming 
the citadel at daybreak. The chieftain, however, saved them 
any further trouble by appearing at the gate of his fort as the 
troops were forming for the attack ; and proceeding straight to 
the general's tent, he there handed up his sword. 

The fort having been garrisoned, the army moved off to join 
the camp of the governor-general ; and, to prevent any accident, 



THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 82^ 

Moolraj was conducted with them. This junction was effected 
too late for the Mooltan troops to share in the dangers of the 
battle of Chillianwallah, to which we must now return. 

The preparations for marching on Lahore having been com 
pleted, the commander-in-chief proceeded, in the early part of 
January, toward the Chenab, where, as expected, he found tho 
Sikhs strongly entrenched. On the 10th, Lord Gough moved 
his troops forward, with the view, in the first instance, of at 
once attacking the enemy. This resolve, however, appears 
from some cause to have been abandoned ; and the evening 
was allowed to draw on without any farther demonstration 
being made on the side of the British. The Sikhs had, how- 
ever, evidently made every preparation, and were bent upon an 
engagement. Throwing some flying artiiley toward the centre 
of the British, they brought out a few of their heavy guns, which 
at once silenced the others, but were in their turn responded to 
by a tremendous cannonade of heavy guns from a quarter much 
nearer than had been anticipated. Under cover of some low 
but dense jungle, the Sikhs had planted their artillery in a 
Commanding and safe position ; and the advantage of the 
ground was fully proved by the terrible havoc their guns com- 
mitted in the ranks of the British army. 

To charge in ' the face of a murderous storm of grape and 
shell was the only alternative known to British troops ; and, 
as had been the result at Ferozshah and other places, the 
bayonet and the spur wrested from the enemy their ruinous and 
fatal guns, and earned a dear-bought victory. This furious 
engagement lasted until after nightfall ; and on the morrow, 
when the troops were mustered and their loss a'scertaiued, it 
was found that the killed amounted to 26 officers and 731 
men ; whilst in wounded the numbers were 66 oflaeeriS and 
1446 men. 

Great as was the loss on the English side, the carnage 
amongst the Sikhs must have been far more terrible. Never- 
theless, they did not yet think of submission ; but, being joined 
by a strong body of Afghan horse, prepared with undaunted 
determination to renew the struggle for supremacy. 
28 



326 BRITISH INDIA. 

Reinforced during; the early part of February oy the Mooltan 
troops, Lord Gough made every disposition for striking another 
and, if possible, a more decisive blow at the Sikh power in the 
Punjab. It was evident that nothing short of utter and com- 
plete overthrow, a perfect annihilation of their military power, 
could by any possibility restore tranquillity to that country or 
give security to the neighboring states for the future ; and on 
this impression the commander-in-chief at once prepared to 
act. 

The Sikh army had again strongly entrenched themselves in 
a most favorable position, within a few miles of the town of 
Gujerat. Hither Lord Gough marched his recruited forces-, 
and on the 21st of February commenced a furious and most 
eflfeetive cannonade on the enemy's lines. Shere Singh was 
at this time a,t the head of 60,000 men and 59 guns of heavy 
calibre ; but nothing could withstand the deadly fire of the 
British artillerymen. For three hours this arm of the force 
did its work ; and by the end of that time it was quite apparent 
that the Sikh troops were not only thinned, but making a 
retrograde movement. The whole force of the Brilish infantry 
and cavalry were then let loose upon the enemy, and, relieving 
the heavy guns from further service, the bayonet, lance, and 
sword accomplished the remainder of the bloody task. 

A more complete and effectual overthrow had never been 
given to the enemy ;'*' that they felt it to be so was manifested 
by the surrender shortly afterward of Cutter Singh, Shere 
Singh, and the other Sikh leaders who had escaped the bullets. 
The Afghans fled across the Lidus ; the Sikh forces were dis- 
banded ; and the Punjab was declared annexed to the Britisl' 
territories in India. 

Mooiraj was placed upon his trial for the murder of Mr. 
Vans Agnew and Lieutenant Anderson, found gnilty, and had 
bia sentence of death commut3d to imprisonment for life. 

* Punjab Blue Book: Dispatch of Lord Gough. 




CHAPTER IX. 

SECOND BURMESE WAR AND ANNEXATION OF PEGU AND OUDE.— 

A. D. 1851-1856. 



The profound tranquillity that reigned throughout the 
Eastern possessions of Great Britain at the commencement of 
1851, can scarcely be said to have been even ruffled by the 
occasional forays of the hill tribes beyond Peshawur. But the 
calm was deceitful, and of brief duration. In the course of 
that year the governor of Rangoon so far forgot the duties of 
his position as to subject certain British merchant-captains to 
spoliation and insult. Lord Dalhousie was not the man to 
overlook an outrage committed on a British subject, and ac- 
cordir.gly demanded instant and ample reparation. He was 
unfortunate, however, in his choice of a negotiator, for Com- 
modore Lambert to whom that duty was entrusted, was a bold 

(32t) 



328 . BRITISH INDIA. 

sailor rather than a skillful diplomatist. More experienced in 
maneuvering a man-of-war than in writing protocols, that 
gallant officer somewhat exceeded his authority by instituting 
a blockade, and seizing one of the King of Ava's ships, which 
happened to be lying off Rangoon. This hasty and ill-con- 
Bidered step led to an open rupture, though the governor- 
general made one more effort to avert hostilities by cofinning 
his demands to a written apology from the new governor of 
Rangoon, the payment of £990 as compensation for the wrongs 
inflicted upon the original complainants, and the honorable re- 
ception of a British resident, or envoy, at the Burmese court. 
These demands having been rejected, war was openly declared, 
and an expedition fitted out under the command of General 
Godwin, who had served in the former war under Sir Archibald 
Campbell. 

Actual operations did not commence before the 2d of April, 
1852. On the previous day the Burmese fired on a Hag of 
truce sent in to ascertain the final intentions of their sovereign. 
On this. General (Godwin opened the campaign by the capture 
of Martaban, a place of no further importance than that it was 
opposite to Moulraein. This success was followed up by the 
storming of the White House stockade on the 12th, and the 
reduction of the outworks of Rangoon. On the following day 
the great Shoa Dagon Pagoda was carried by assault, and the 
city became the prize of the victors. A period of inactivity 
then ensued, and it must be admitted that the British general 
on no occasion exhibited any exuberant energy ; but on the 
19th May the important town of Bassein, situated about sixty 
miles up one of the three navigable branches of the Irrawaddy, 
was taken after a feeble resistance. A few days later the 
Burmese made an ineffectual attempt to recover Martaban, but 
were repulsed with considerable loss. On the 3d of June 
General Godwin dispatched an insignificant force in a steamer 
to take p6ssession of Pegu, formerly the capital of an inde- 
pendent kingdom. The enemy fled at the first onslaught, and 
the British troops, having marched through the streets in 
triumph, re-embarked in their steamer and returned to Rangoon. 
An equally absurd and fruitless expedition was sent against 



THE EUROPEAN PERIOD 32^ 

Prome about a month afterward, with precisely similar results ; 
the enemy returning, on the evacuation of the place, to 
strengthen its fortifications and increase its means of defense. 
It was not until the middle of September that the British 
general fairly roused himself to strike a decisive blow. A 
force of 5000 men was then placed on board a steam flotilla, 
and on the 9th of October anchored off Prome. That same 
evening the enemy's guns were silenced, and his stockades 
carried at the point of the bayonet, and on the following morn- 
ing the victors a second time found themselves in possession of 
that city. Although it was known that the Burmese were 
posted in considerable force only a few miles distant, the 
general made no effort to dislodge them, but, leaving a garrison 
in Prome, retraced his steps to Kangoon. After again slum- 
bering for a while he accompanied a force, about the middle of 
November, under Brigadier M'Neill, to effect the second 
capture of Pegu. This time the Burmese made a stout resist- 
ance, and inflicted some loss. A feeble garrison having been 
left to occupy the place, the enemy came down in great num- 
bers and invested it on all sides. A reinforcement of English 
sailors and sepoys under Captain Loch, R. N., and Major 
Minchin, was hastily dispatched to the relief of the beleaguered 
fort, but were attacked in a jungle and repulsed with great 
slaughter. On this, a larger force took the field under General*^* 
Godwin in person, and driving the Burmese before them in 
every encounter, arrived in time to rescue Major Hill and his 
heroic little band from their perilous position. This was the 
last military operation of the second Burmese war. On the 
20th of December, 1852, the governor-general, acting under 
instructions from the president of the Board of Control, trans- 
mitted through the Secret Committee of the Court of Directors, 
declared the province of Pegu an integral portion of the British 
territories. Bodies of armed marauders, indeed, continued for 
awhile to harass the new possessions of the British, but the 
judicious distribution of the regular troops in support of a local 
police force, soon succeeded in repressing their depredations 
and compelling them to respect the frontier. 
28* 



330 BRITISH INDIA. 

Satisfied of their inability to cope with the British forces, 
the Burmese deposed their bellicose monarch and placed his 
brother on the throne. The new king sued for peace, which 
was readily granted, and friendly relations were once more 
restored with the Court of Ava. That tranquillity will be of 
long duration in that quarter, it would be hazardous to predict; 
but it is at least certain that the renewal of hostilities will never 
be sought by the British government, though the result would 
inevitably be the absorption of the entire Burmese empire. 

In the meantime the province of Pegu is experiencing the 
blessings of a firm and equitable administration. The rivers 
and creeks are being swept clear of the sv/arms of pirates that 
infest them. Rangoon is being rebuilt on a regular plan, a 
new port has been opened, and new roads constructed. Com- 
merce and industry are receiving large developments, and the 
inhabitants, assured of protection, are being daily augmented 
by immigrants from the adjacent countries. Thus was a second 
kingdom added to the British empire during Lord Dalhousie's 
viceroyalty, and yet a third kingdom was to be annexed before 
he laid down the power he so long and so ably wielded. 

In violation of the most solemn engagements, the kings of 
Oude had for many years abetted and encouraged the existence 
of a most iniquitous administration of justice throughout their 
dominions. No man was safe unless he could protect himself. 
No man was secure from spoliation unless too powerful to be 
attacked, or too poor to be noticed. The revenue was farmed 
out to the highest bidders, or to the most influential friends of 
the minister ; and these farmers of the revenue were permitted 
to employ the king's troops to assist them in collecting the 
taxes. The distribution of these taxes was arbitrary. A 
certain amount had to be gathered in to insure a profit, and it 
could only be obtained by violence and extortion. The power- 
ful land owners armed their retainers, gave battle to the chuck- 
lidars (or farmers of revenue), and not unfrequently worsted 
them. The burden of taxation, therefore, fell upon those who 
were unable to opp('se force to force. It may thence be easily 
imagined that the whole country groaned under the most 



THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 331 

frightful amount of oppression that modern times have ever 
witnessed. In vain did each successive governor-general re- 
monstrate, and threaten to put into force the treaties which 
authorized the assumption of the administration in the event 
of habitual malversation. Their warnings were unheeded ; and, 
encouraged by impunity, Wajid Ally, the last King of Oude, 
far exceeded the worst malpractices of the \\orst of his prede- 
cessors. To permit the longer existence of such glaring mis- 
government was equivalent to becoming an accessory. The 
British government, therefore, decided on authorizing Lord 
Dalhousie to dethrone a monarch who had proved himself so 
utterly incapable and unworthy to be entrusted with power, 
and to assume the functions of government. Accordingly, on 
the 7th of February, 1856, Major-General Outram exchanged 
the office of resident at the Court of Lucknow for that of chief 
commissioner of Oude. The transfer of the government to the 
Brjtish authorities was effected without the slightest tumult or 
opposition, and a few days afterward the king took his de- 
parture for Calcutta. There his ex-majesty remained, while 
his mother, the queen-dowager, proceeded to England to prose- 
cute the suit for the recovery of his kingdom. A wiser and 
more just system of administration was, meanwhile, introduced 
into the state, but sufficient lapse of time was not allowed to 
jndge of its adaptability, before circumstances occurred to sub- 
vert the new order of things, and to substitute anarchy for a 
well-regulated government. 

Some minor states were also annexed, owing to the failure 
of male issue. It was an ancient, and almost a religious, 
custom of the Hindoos to adopt a son when legitimate offspring 
was wanting ; but this could only be done with the sanction 
of the paramount power. In the cases of Nagpore, Sattara, 
and Jhansi, this preliminary condition was omitted, and conse- 
quently those fine districts fell into the British dominions. Tiie 
province of Behar was further ceded by his highness the Nizam, 
for the permanent maintenance of the Hyderabad contingent, 
and for the payment of certain debts which he had incurred. 

But these, after all, were not the most lasting illustrations 
of Lord Daihousie's administration. He was even more dis- 



332 BRITISH INDIA. 

tinguished in peace than in war. It was owing to his enlight- 
ened liberality that a uniform low rate of postage was intro- 
duced throughout the vast empire subject to his control. Up- 
ward of 4000 miles of electric telegraph wires were also laid 
down, and a promising inauguration celebreted of the different 
lines of Indian railways. One line of 120 miles was opened 
from Calcutta to Raneegunge, on the high road to Peshawur ; 
a second line of fifty-one miles was in working order between 
Bombay and Wasindra ; and a third line of fifty miles in the 
Madras presidency, though not thrown open to the public, 
was traversed by the governor-general. But the crowning 
glory of this brilliant administration was the opening of 
the main stream of the Ganges Canal on the 8th April, 1854. 
The main irrigation line of this stupendous work extends over 
525 miles in length, measuring, in its greatest depth, ten feet, 
and in its extreme breadth, 110 feet. When the branches are 
completed, the total length will be about 900 miles, irrigating 
an area of 1,470,000 acres. Great improvements were intro- 
duced also into every department of the government, with the 
object of simplifying its details, and centralizing its action. In 
brief, after eight years of triumph in war, and the more bene- 
ficial exercise of an enlightened statesmanship, Lord Dalhousie 
handed over to his successor. Viscount Canning, in the spring 
of 1856, an immense empire in the enjoyment of external peace 
and internal contentment and prosperity. 

Before concluding this chapter it is necessary to allude to 
the change +.hat was made in 1853 with regard to the Com- 
pany's charter. According to the new system, the number of 
directors chosen by the proprietors was reduced to twelve, in 
addition to whom six are appointed by the crown, who must have 
resided at least ten years in India. The civil patronage of the 
Court was at the same time taken from them, and nominations 
to the Indian civil service thrown open to competition. The 
college of Fort William was at once abolished, and a date 
assigned for the abolition of the college at Haileybury. The 
local government of Bengal was also committed to the hands 
of a lieutenant-governor, and the Legislative Council separated 
from the Supreme Council with advantage to Doth. 




CHAPTER X. 



^USES OP THE GREAT REBELLION IN INDIA. — A. D. 1856-1857. 



Secured from all apprehension of foreign enemies, and ruling 
AD apparently prosperous and happy people, Lord Canning 
entered upon the government of India with fairer prospects 
than any governor-general since the first conquest of that 
country. Not many months, however, elapsed before a naval 
and military expedition was on its way from Bombay to 
Bushire, and war was publicly declared against the Shah-in- 
Shah. After two or three slight actions, in which the Persians 
were immediately put to flight, the king of kings was con- 
strained to sue for peace and to accept the easy conditions 
which were imposed upon him. The British troops w^ere then 
recalled to India, and arrived only in time to encounter the 
most imminent peril that has ever menaced the Eastern empire 
of Britain. 

(333) 



334 BRITISH INDIA. 

It had long been notorious that the Mohammedans of Upper 
India were discontented with their subordinate position, and 
that their idle and sensual habits rendered them insolent and 
fractious. This feeling of unquiet was not a little imbittered 
by the decision arrived at with regard to the titular dignity of 
King of Delhi. The Court of Directors had authorized Lord 
Dalhousie, on the death of the heir-apparent in 1849, to 
" terminate the dynasty of Timour, whenever the reigning king 
should die." But as these instructions had been issu^ed with 
great reluctance, the governor-general had recourse to a com 
promise, and agreed to recognize the king's grandson as heir- 
apparent, on condition that he quitted the fortress at Delhi for 
the royal palace at the Kootub. The royal family had no 
choice but to submit, though the humiliation to which they 
were about to be subjected rankled in their bosoms and in those 
of the Delhi Mohammedans generally. They were too sensible, 
however, of their weakness, to attempt any opposition to the 
powerful British government, until an opportunity presented 
itself in a quarter where, perhaps, it was least expected. 

From the time when Lord Hastings created the Nawab of 
Oude an independent king, and freed him from his allegiance 
to his rightful suzerain, the King of Delhi, there had been a 
feud between those two houses, inflamed by their difference in 
religious matters — the one being a bigoted Soonaee, the other 
as fanatical a Sheeah. But the dethronement of Wajid Ally 
Shah, anil the annexation of his kingdom, gave deep offense to 
a large portion of the Bengal army, who were natives of Oude, 
and drew together in one common cause the Mohammedans of 
both sects. Still, it was clear that from their numerical in- 
feriority, the Mohammedans alone could not hope to break the 
English yoke from off their necks, so long as the Hindoo 
soldiery remained true to their salt. Unfortunately, circum- 
stances occurred to remove this obstacle. 

The germ of the late native army of Bengal sprang into 
vitality exactly a hundred years ago. In the month of January, 
175T, when the atrocity of the Black Hole at Calcutta had been 
avenged by the defeat and signal punishment of Surajah Dowlah, 



THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 335 

and the authority of the English government had been firmly 
established by Lord Clive, the lirst battalion of Bengal sepoys 
was raised, and officered from a detachment that had accom- 
panied him from Madras. The establishment of the new force 
consisted of one European captain, with lieutenant and ensigns 
who acted as field-othcers ; a native commander and adjutant, 
one subahdar (captain), and three jemadars (subalterns), to 
each of the ten companies. The company consisted of five 
havildars (sergeants), four naiks (corporals), two tomtoms 
(drummers), one trumpeter, and seventy sepoys ; and each 
company was distinguished by a color, bearing the device or 
badge of recognizance of its subahdar. Upon such a foundation, 
and with such a slender European establishment for its, nucleus, 
the vast military superstructure represented by the late native 
armies of Bengal had been progressively raised and perfected, 
by leaders who guided those armies from triumph to triumph, 
until the victor flag of England floated in proud supremacy 
over the strongholds of the most powerful of the native sover- 
eigns of India. 

The religion prevalent among the sepoys of the Bengal army, 
must necessarily be referred to in connection with events that 
have rendered it a prominent feature in their history. Brah- 
minism and Mohammedanism have both their head-quarters 
within the extensive provinces of Bengal — the former among 
the fertile plains and settled populations of the provinces along 
the course of the vsacred Ganges ; the latter in the higher portions 
of the country in which the Moslem invader originally estab- 
lished his empire ; but neither faith has ever pervaded the 
whole of India. In the presidencies of Madras and Bombay, 
the older worships of the aboriginal or immigrant populations 
exist to this time, and are adhered to by more than sixteen 
millions of people. The consequence is, that the native armies 
of those presidencies are comparatively but little affected by re- 
ligious questions ; while that of Bengal, recruited for the most 
part from the very cradle of Brabminism, and principally com- 
posed of its two superior castes, has demanded, and obtained. 



S36 BRITISH INDIA. 

a consideration for religious scruples, which gradually had im- 
paired its discipline, and, ultimately, has led to its destruction. 
The Brahmin sepoy, springing from a class which regards 
the profession of a soldier as only second in honor to that of a 
priest, occupies a position infinitely superior in pay, and all 
material comforts, to the native cultivator or the mechanic. In 
the field and in cantonment, he has been treated by his English 
employers, not merely on a par with, but, in many points, with 
superior consideration to that accorded to the European soldier 
in the same service. Indulged with regular furloughs to visit 
the shrines of his deities or the home of his family ; entitled, as 
of unquestioned right, to a decoration for meritorious service; 
rising by seniority to preferment ; and, finally, assured of a 
competent provision on retirement — no private soldier in the 
world enjoyed the advantages of his profession to the same ex- 
tent, or with so few of its discomforts, as the Bengal sepoy. 
It is true, that through years of arduous struggle and well- 
fought campaigns, he has evinced his sense of the advantages 
of his position, by faithful service and a noble emulation of 
European he"0\sm. But great as the loyalty — signal as the 
valor of the native armies of India has been since their first 
organization and submission to British rule, instances of mutiny 
and desertion have not been wanting in their history. Occa- 
sionally, a qucL^tion of pay or provisions has supplied the motive 
for insubordination ; but the most frequent and formidable 
ground of discontent has been that which presents itself at the 
present crisis, namely, a suspicion of meditated interference 
with the inviolable immunities of their faith and the privileges 
of their caste. Notwithstanding this, however, for part of tho 
last century the confidence of the Anglo-Indian government in 
the loyalty of its native troops has been implicit; and it was 
but natural, therefore, that as territory became progressively 
acquired, and necessity arose for an augmentation of troops for 
its protection, that the native element should be largely ab- 
sorbed in the consolidation of military strength. The result 
has followed, that, by degrees, the single battalion of Clive, iii 
11 d1, had swollen and spread over the country until, at the 



THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 831 

commencement of 185*7, it was represented, in the presidency 
of Bengal alone, by an armament of upward of 150,000 men, 
divided into seventy-four regiments of foot, and eleven of, light 
cavalry ; four troops of horse-artillery, and two battalions, of 
six companies each, of foot artillery ; this force being further 
augmented by irregular troops, to the extent of twenty-three 
regiments of cavalry, seven battalions of Sikh infantry, and 
upward of twenty other corps of various arras. This vast 
military establishment was again increased by the contingents 
of several native states, raised for local service in Assam, the 
Punjab, Nagpore, and Oude. The whole European force 
acting with, and to a great extent looked up to as giving a 
tone to the military spirit of this vast mass of heterogeneous 
material, as regards races and creeds, consisted, in January, 
1857, of thirteen regiments of infantry and two of cavalry, be- 
longing to the English government; and three regiments of in- 
fantry, three brigades of horse, and six battalions of foot artil- 
lery, in the service of the East India Company. This force 
was distributed in about a hundred military stations, over a 
tract of country stretching from the mouth of the Ganges to 
Affghanistan, and from the Himalayas to Nagpore ; equaling in 
extent, and greatly exceeding in the numerical amount of its 
population, the united territories of France, Austria and 
Prussia. 

An unfortunate recognition of the privileges of caste, by the 
Anglo-Indian government, at the commencement of its triumphs, 
has, doubtless, in a very great degree, encouraged the isolated 
pride and religious prejudices of the high-caste sepoys, of whom 
the bulk of the Bengalese army consisted; and a dread of in- 
terfering with the visible mysteries of their idolatrous faith, has 
led from time to time to concessions and indulgences that were 
at last looked upon as the rightful privileges of their order, to 
the serious obstruction of military duty, and the lax enforce- 
ment of proper discipline. The inconvenience resulting from 
this state of the Bengal army, at length rendered it expedient 
that a stop should be put to further concessions, and that, in 
some minor instances^ the privileges already enjoyed should be 
29 



338 BRITISH INDIA. 

curtailed, if not entirely withdrawn ; thus, the d^k letters of 
Bepoys, that had hitherto passed free of postage-tax, became 
char<^eable. Tolls were exacted when they traveled, although 
formerly they had been exempt from the imposition of them ; 
and they were deprived of the privilege they had enjoyed of 
purchasing their provisions in the marj^ets at a lower price 
than other consumers. The sepoys had also been granted 
the right to choose whether they would, or would not, go 
beyond sea on active service ; and this most inconvenient and 
dangerous discretionary power was sought to be withdrawn. 
Promotion among them, which had gone by seniority, without 
reference to merit or ability, and which, moreover, was in a great 
degree subject to the dictation of the men themselves, was also 
to be henceforth in the hands of the military authorities only. 
The pride of caste, which had been absurdly encouraged, for the 
purpose of conciliating the people and recruiting the ranks of 
the army, it was now found necessary in some measure to dis- 
courage ; the preponderance of Hindoos in the army having 
become so great, that in some of the regiments of 1000 men, 
from six to seven hundred were Brahmins, combining the 
priestly with the military character, and exercising peculiar in- 
fluences over the minds of their comrades of inferior caste. 
The European officers attached to the native regiments, had 
seen their power to control, by the enforcement of discipline, 
gradually reduced, until even trivial questions connected with 
regimental duty, could only be settled by a reference to head- 
quarters, or to the supreme council at the seat of government 
Officers in charge of companies had little, if any, power to 
punish or reward their own men ; and the colonel had as little 
power to promote, or punish, in the regiment under his com- 
mand, and, consequently, was without that summary and 
efi'ective control over his men that the efficiency of military dis- 
cipline requires; besides these disadvantages, not more than 
two or three of the whole staff of European officers attached to 
each native regiment, were able to speak or understand the 
language of the men they commanded ; who were necessarily 
accustomed to look to their native officers of the same or higher 



THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 339 

caste than themselves for direction and guidance, while their 
J^uropean officers were regarded with indifference, and obeyed 
only mechanically. These several causes operating together, 
through a period of some years' duration, and being strength- 
ened by the adverse influence of the agents of the Dhurma 
Sobha, a Hindoo association, established at Calcutta for the 
avowed purpose of defending the religious customs of Bra-h- 
minism from encroachments by the government, had at length 
rendered the sepoy arrogant, self-sufficient, and independent of 
his officers ; and the evil has been encouraged, and the men 
petted, until, as in the case of spoiled children whom parental 
authority lacked nerve or resolution to correct, the mischief 
grew into a settled habit, and its eradication from the system 
became a work of great difficulty and of danger. There can 
be no doubt, also, that a species of fanaticism was largely aux- 
iliary in working up the real, or assumed, grievances of the 
native troops to the dangerous magnitude they had acquired. 

It has been remarked by a high military authority in India, 
"that in the Bengal army there is a constant studying of many 
castes, which the European appears to think as much of, and to 
esteem as high as do the natives themselves ; and the sepoys, 
instead of looking on the European officers as superior beings, 
are compelled to consider them as bad Hindoos I Instead of 
being taught to pride themselves on their soldiership and dis- 
cipline, the sepoys are trained to pride themselves on their ab- 
surdities of caste, and think that their power and value are 
best shown by refusing to obey any orders which they please to 
say do not accord with their religious prejudices. It is a gravt? 
mistake to suppose that religious feelings have any real infiu 
3iice on these occasions ; it is a mistake, which would be ridicu 
lous if its consequences were not so serious ; but it is certain 
that the Bengal sepoy is a stickler for his imaginary tnghts oj 
caste for the sake of increased power ; he knows well thu 
Government never intend any insult to his creed, however n!: 
surd it may be; but he knows that, by crying out about his 
caste, he keeps the power in his hands, saves himself from 
many of the hardships of service, and makes his officers afraid 



340 BRITISH INDIA. 

of him. This is proved by what takes place in the armies of 
India. In the army of Bombay, even a Purwarree may, and 
does often, rise to the rank of subahdar by his own merit ; ia 
Bengal such a man would not even be admitted into the ranks, 
for fear of his contaminating those fine gentlemen the Brah- 
mins ; yet, in the Bombay army, the Brahmin (father, brother, 
or son may be, of him of Bengal) stands shoulder to shoulder 
in the ranks— nay, sleeps in the same tent with his Purwarree 
fellow-soldier, and dreams not of any objection to the arrange- 
ment. If this subject be mentioned to a Bombay Brahmin 
sepoy — as it is, sometimes, by Bengal officers — the ready 
answer is, * What do I care ? Is he not the soldier of the 
state ?' The reply speaks volumes, and shows a state of affairs 
which the officers of the Bengal army cannot conceive." 

Of this privilege of caste, the late General Sir Charles Napier 
has expressed the following deprecatory opinion in his dis- 
patches to the home government. He says — "The most im- 
portant thing which I reckon injurious to the Indian army, is 
the immense influence given to caste; instead of being dis- 
couraged, it has been encouraged in the Bengal army. In the 
Bombay army it is discouraged ; and that army is in better 
order than the army of Bengal, in which the Brahmins have 
been leaders in every mutiny." Connecting the fact, as stated 
by Sir Charles Napier, with subsequent transactions, we may 
not greatly err in attributing much of the mischief that has 
occurred in India to the baneful and mysterious influences of 
this peculiar distinction, and the absurd and frequently mis- 
chievous privileges claimed by those who enjoy it. 

Among other notions inculcated by the Brahminical theology, 
is a belief that certain things are so innately impure, as to 
defile those who taste or handle them ; and the consequence of 
any such defilement is a loss of caste; the most fearful and 
humiliating infliction that can be imposed upon a worshiper of 
Brahma. It was affirmed to be in connection with a dread of 
such defilement, and its consequences, that the earliest symptoms 
sf the existing mutiny were manifested. 

At Dumdum, an artillery station about eight miles from 



' THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 341 

Calcutta, A depot had been established for the instruction of 
native troops in the use of the Enfield rifle, the cartridge for 
which is made with a different material from that used in pre- 
paring the case of the ordinary cartridge, and is required to be 
greased. To touch or taste the fat of animals, is, to the 
Hindoo, defilement, and loss of caste is the inevitable conse- 
quence. The offender becomes an outcast, and disinheritance 
follows ; for the Brahminical law says, " No outcast can inherit 
property." This is, however, a British as well as a Hindoo 
law; for it was enacted by the 21st George III., cap. 70, 
" That inheritance in the case of Gentoos (Hindoos) shall be 
determined by the laws and usages of Gentoos." Another 
effect of the forbidden act is excommunication, such as formerly 
was practiced among Christians, but carried to a point of in- 
finitely greater severity. The intercourse of a sepoy so cir- 
cumstanced, even with his wife or family, is visited, according 
to Hindoo law, by mutilation and death. The stain inflicted 
is, in some cases, capable of being removed from the family of 
the offender by a series of penances, that are crowned by pass- 
ing over a burning mass of red-hot charcoal, nine yards square, 
and twenty-nine inches deep, vehemently fanned during the 
operation ; and this purgation can be accomplished on one day 
of the year only. 

In the month of January, 1857, a workman of the lowest 
caste (a sudra attached to the magazine at Dumdum), asked a 
Brahmin sepoy of the 2d grenadiers to give him water from 
his "lotha" (a small brass pot for drinking from) ; the sepoy 
refused the favor, on the ground of his superior caste, and be- 
cause his " lotha" would be defiled by the touch of the sudra ; 
the latter, incensed by the refusal, observed, that "the pride 
of caste would soon be brought low ; for the sepoy would 
presently have to bite cartridges covered with the fat of cows 
and pigs I" — the former animal being an object of special vene- 
ration ; the latter of abhorrence and hatred. The Brahmin 
soldier reported the language of the sudra to his high-caste 
comrades in the barrack, by whom it was listened to with dis- 
gust and indignation, and the alarm quickly spread through 
29* 



342 BRITISH INDIA. 

the depot. Intelligence of the occurrence having reached th« 
ears of the officer in command, the native troops were paraded, 
and asked if they had any complaint to make ? Upon this, 
the whole of the non-commissioned officers, and the larger 
portion of the men, stepped to the front, and stated their ob- 
jection to the new cartridge ; respectfully suggesting the use of 
a substitute in the making-up, that would not interfere with 
the peculiarities of their religion, and render them liable to the 
depriviation of caste. The appeal of the men, thus urged, v/as 
listened to by the colonel in command of the depot, and imme- 
diately reported to head-quarters ; and upon the representation 
of General Hearsay, then commanding the presidency division 
. — ivho remarked, that "though totally groundless, it would be 
most difficult to eradicate the impression from the minds of the 
native soldiers, who are always suspiciously disposed when any 
change of this sort affecting themselves is introduced" — the 
rcvpiired concession was promptly made by order of govern- 
ment. The colonel was also authorized to procure from the 
bazaar unobjectionable ingredients for greasing the cartridges, 
aud the men were to be permitted to make them up themselves 
in their quarters, that they might be satisfied there was no 
desire to interfere with their prejudices. 

Contemporaneously with these transactions, a singular, and, 
at the time, incomprehensible, incident occurred at Cawnpore, 
a town in the north-western division of the presidency of 
Bengal, which occasioned much surmise, and no inconsiderable 
degree of apprehension. It was reported to the authorities, 
that the chowkeydars, or village policemen, were speeding 
from Cawnpore through the villages and towns of the peninsula, 
distributing on their way a symbol, of the origin of which no 
European could at the time form an intelligible idea, or con- 
jecture the purpose. The manner of effecting this singular more- 
ment — which later events have shown to be somewhat analogous 
to that of the Fire-cross of the Highland clans of Scotland 
in earlier times — was as follows : — One of the chowkeydars of 
Cawnpore ran to another in Futteghur, the next village, and 
placing in his hands two chicpatties (small unleavened cakes 



THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 343 

about the size of a gingerbread-nut, and similar in composition 
to the ordinary food of the poorer classes), directed him to make 
ten more of the same kind, and give two of them to each of tlie 
five nearest chowkeydars, with instructions to perform the same 
service. lie was obeyed ; and in a few hours the whole country 
was in a state of excitement, through these policemen running 
from village to village with their cakes. The wave spread 
over the provinces with a velocity of speed never yet equaled 
by the bearers of government dispatches. The English officials 
in the districts through which this extraordinary and mysterious 
operation progressed with the rapidity of light, were bewild- 
ered ; some of the messengers were arrested, and themselves 
and the cakes examined by the magistrates and superior police, 
who looked at, handled, and tasted the latter, but could arrive 
at no satisfactory conclusions respecting them. The chowkey- 
dars professed to be ignorant of the source whence they 
originated, or of the object in view by their transmission and 
distribution over the country, which they believed to be by the 
order of government. The magistrates thereupon reported the 
occurrence as a strange but harmless affair ; and no further 
notice was taken by those in authority, nor does it appear that 
any subsequent effort was made to discover the object of the 
parties with whom the movement originated. The circumstance 
occasioned much conversation ; but no one appeared capable 
of elucidating the mystery in which it was involved. Some 
thought it might be a superstitious act of Hindoo faith to pro- 
pitiate Yishnu (the preserver), that the deity might be induced 
to avert the cholera ; others, who, more penetrating than their 
neighbors, ventured to suggest the possibility of a plot against 
the government, were laughed at for their apprehensions ; and 
at last the novelty lost its attraction as a topic for conversation, 
and the fact was for a time forgotten. 

Another incident had then recently occurred, that, viewed in 
possible connection with the above mysterious affair, might 
reasonably have generated suspicion of impending evil. It 
had been made known to the government, that early in January, 
an incendiary address, written in Hindostani, was placarded at 



344 BRITISH INDIA. 

Madras, calling upon "all true believers to rise against the 
English infidels, and drive them from India. It declared that 
the English had now abandoned all principles of justice, and were 
bent on appropriatin-g the possessions of the Mohammedans, 
and that there was but one way of resisting their encroach- 
ments — a holy war I He who fell in such vvar would be vene- 
rated as a martyr. He that held back would be execrated as 
an infidel and a heretic." As a proof that the smouldering 
fires of the volcano were not yet apparent to the authorities, 
the Indian journals of January and February describe the whole 
country at that time as "profoundly tranquil." 

On the 17th of the same month, the tranquillity into which 
Oude had subsided since its annexation, was broken in upon in 
consequence of a Maulavi, named Sekuiider Shah, arriving 
with some armed followers at Lucknow, and preaching war 
against the infidels ; at the same time distributing proclama- 
tions calling upon the faithful, and even the Hindoos, to arise, 
or be forever fallen. The Maulavi and his people were arrested 
after a conflict, in which Lieutenant Thomas of the 22d regi- 
ment of native infantry, and four sepoys, were wounded ; and 
three persons were killed, and five wounded, belonging to the 
seditious preacher, himself being among the latter. 

Whatever may have been the positive, long cherished, but 
hidden grievance of the native soldiers, it is more than possible 
that the alleged insult offered by the greased cartridges, and 
the dread of conversion to Christianity, gave the main impulse 
that roused the discontented spirit ,of the troops into mis- 
chievous activity. On the 6th of February, 1857, a jemadai 
(lieutenant) of the 34th regiment of native infantry, stationed 
at Barrackpore, disclosed to his colonel some proceedings m 
which he had taken part on the preceding night, and which 
afforded ample ground for believing that the sepoys contem- 
plated an outbreak — during which they intended to kill the 
European officers at the station, and, after plundering it, to 
destroy the place, and retire toward Delhi. The communica- 
tion was duly reported to the general commanding the district, 
but no serious notice appears to have been taken of it at the 
tiiuf* 




CHAPTER XI. 

MUTINOUS CONDUCT OF THE 19tH REGIMENT OF NA xIVP 

INFANTRY. — 1857. 



On the 24th of February, a detachment of the 34th nat^ re 
infantry arrived at the station of Berhampore, in the district of 
Moorshedabad, and about 100 miles from Calcutta, en route, 
and, on their dismissal from parade, the men were entertained 
by the sepoys of the 19th regiment, who naturally sought in- 
telligence of their comrades at Barrackpore. The 34th were 
not slow to communicate all they knew or surmised, and re- 
peated to their eager and excited hosts the intelligence re- 
specting the cartridges — the animal fat — the alleged detcrmi* 
nation of the government to deprive the Brahmin sepoys of the 
privileges belonging to their caste, and to destroy the religion 
of Brahma, with many other assumed grievances of the canton- 
ments. Nothing was omitted by the narrators that could tend 

(345) 



S46 BRITISH INDIA. 

io exasperate the feelings of their auditory, and the pernicioas 
effect of their eloquence will be shown in subsequent proceedings. 

On the following day (the 25th), Lieutenant-colonel Mitchell, 
ioramauding the 19th regiment, ordered a parade with blank 
cartridge for the next morning. The cartridges were directed 
to be given out that evening ; but when the native sergeants 
proceeded to distribute them, they were peremptorily rejected 
by the sepoys. The 19th irregular cavalry was then ordered 
to parade on the spot, with a view to intimidate the refractory 
men, and the guns of the station were placed in position to 
command the native lines. After a short delay, in which sullen 
defiance and culpable irresolution were exhibited on either side, 
the men were dismissed to their quarters ; but between eleven 
and twelve o'clock, the sepoys of the 19th regiment made a 
rush upon the bells of arms (little houses in which their weapons 
vs^ere kept), and possessing themselves of their muskets and 
ammunition, carried them into their lines. When, on the 
following morning, the European officers reached the parade- 
ground, they found the men in undress, but armed and formed 
in line. As they approached, the sepoys shouted tumultuously, 
and threatened violence if they came near them. The cavalry 
and artillery were again paraded, and the mutineers were com- 
manded to lay down their arms. Another pause ensued, and 
the native officers, after conferring with the men, informed 
Colonel Mitchell that they would not lay down their arms until 
the whole of the cavalry and artillery were withdrawn. This 
dangerous concession to open and undisguised mutiny was un- 
fortunately made by the colonel ; and then, but not till then, the 
refractory sepoys submitted to the command of their officers. 

It is possible that this unmilitary complia^nce with the 
demands of a mutinous soldiery, when the means for enforcing 
submission and preserving authority were at hand, may have 
encouraged, if it did not hasten, the explosion that followed 
throughout the presidency. The colonel, perhaps, dreaded the 
responsibility of a conflict between armed men in the same 
service, and may have had no desire to witness the destruction 
of his own regiment, 



THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 347 

Upon the receipt of this intelligence at Barrackpore, great 
agitation became visible among the sepoys of the various regi- 
ments at the stationj and more especially it was remarked 
a-^iong those of the 2d and 34th regiments. The men obeyed 
ders with sullen and threatening indifference, which they took 
ro pains to conceal; nightly meetings for conference took place 
fn their lines, when the conduct of the 19th sepoys was dis- 
cussed and openly applauded. Those meetings were reported 
to the general commanding the district, but thej were not fur- 
ther noticed or prevented. 

The elements of mischief were now at work in another 
quarter. The 1st regiment of Madras native infantry, recently 
arrived from Burmah, and subsequently engaged in the Kimedy 
campaign, was in cantonment at Yizianagram, a town in the 
Madras presidency ; and, on the 28th of February, the men 
were under orders to march to Kurnool without their families. 
One and all, while on parade, decidedly refused ; and when re- 
monstrated with by their colonel, raised shouts of derision and 
defiance. As there was no force at hand to compel obedience, 
the colonel was obliged to submit to the mutinous spirit of the 
men without attempting to make a single arrest. The regi- 
ment, however, quietly left on the 3d of March ; but, in the 
meantime, its destination had been changed to Secunderabad — 
another unfortunate concession to military insubordination. 

At length, on the 23d of March, it was announced in garrison 
orders, that government had resolved to punish the men of the 
19th regiment for their mutinous conduct at Berhampore, and 
the regiment was ordered to march to Barrackpore preparatory 
to its being disbanded. The sentence was severe enough to be 
sensibly felt by those on w^hom it fell ; as, by disbanding the 
regiment, every native officer lost his position, and every sepoy 
his pension for service ; and as recruits for the Bengal army 
are not accepted after a certain age, many of the men who had 
attained it, and were of high caste, were deprived of the means 
of procuring a future livelihood. 




CHAPTER XII. 

THE 1 9th N. I. REGIMENT DISBANDED — SPREAD OP DISAFFECTION 
— A NEW CAUSE OP OFFENSE AT LUCKNOW — DECISIVE CON- 
DUCT OP SIR HENRY LAWRENCE. 



At daybreak on the morning of the 31st of March, the whole 
of the European force in cantonment at Barrackpore, assembled 
on the parade-ground. The two regiments of the Queen, with 
the artillery and cavalry, occupied one side of the area, the 
native regiments being drawn up on the other side. The 19th, 
which during the night had been halted outside the canton- 
ment, was then marched into the vacant space between the 
forces. After a short interval of impressive silence, the major- 
general, surrounded by his staff, advanced to the front of the 
delinquent corps, and read aloud the.^order for disbanding 
them. 

Up to this moment it was felt to be very doubtful if the re- 
fractory corps would quietly submit to the degradation it had 
brought upon itself; or whether a shout of defiance, and some 
mutinous effort, would not compel the general to open fire upon 
the. regiment. Fortunately for themselves, perhaps otherwise 
for the country, the men listened to the sentence with silenl 
(348) 



THE EUKOPEAN PERIOD. 349 

attention ; and when the general had concluded his painful 
duty, two of the native officers, in the name of the regiment, 
asked his permission to again petition the governor-general for 
forgiveness, offering to serve in any part of the globe, so that 
the regiment might be retained in the Company's service. They 
were told the time for petitioning had passed ; that nothing 
now remained for them but unconditional submission, and to 
lay down their arms and disperse. The formidable prepara- 
tions made to enforce obedience, left the repentant mutineers no 
alternative between instant compliance or total annihilation. 
The instinctive terror felt of old by the Hindoo races when 
opposed to European resolution, revived ; and, without attempt- 
ing further remonstrance, the ejitire corps grounded arms and 
retired several paces, their officers actually shedding tears of 
grief or rage during the degrading ceremonial. Ko further 
humiliation was offered ; both officers and men were allowed to 
retain their clothing ; and, after a short delay, the whole were 
escorted by a detachment of cavalry to Chinsurah, at which 
place they were ordered to disperse, bearing from thence the 
germs of treason and revolt, to be presently scattered over the 
whole presidency. 

At this time no lack of vigor or of moderation had been 
exhibited on the part of the government. Every possible effort 
was made to remove the unfounded and unreasonable suspicion 
of the sepoys ; and if indeed there had been some error at first, 
in allowing cartridges to arrive from England, greased with a 
composition of which the materials could not be positively 
defined by the troops, the mistake was rectified before a single 
native could be really affected by it. The matter was carefully 
and clearly explained by General Hearsay and the commanding 
officers of the several regiments ; and the general orders issued 
on the occasion of each disbandment, and read at the head of 
every regiment, troop, and company in the service, contained 
the most explicit assurances of protection and regard. 

The mutinous spirit thus promptly suppressed at Barrack- 
pore and Berhampore, was supposed in the early part of the 
month of Apnl, to have received an effectual check ; the fat© 
30 



350 BRITISH INDIA. 

of the 19th regimeut appeared to have disheartened mjn who, 
by the dignity of caste, had no choice for the means of subsist* 
ence but to remain soldiers. The men of the 34ih, although 
sullen and careless, appeared to be without energy, thoroughly 
dispirited, and unwilling to risk the chances of further quarrel 
with their European officers. Some sepoys of the 36th native 
infantry, who had taunted the pupils in the Umballah school of 
exercise, were put under arrest, and ordered for trial by court- 
martial, without exciting any visible feeling among their com- 
rades ; and several regiments, suspected of being undecided be- 
tween duty or revolt, had by this time ranged themselves under 
the banners of discipline and loyalty, and remained passive. 
Thus every thing connected with the native troops appeared to 
be in an improving and satisfactory state, when suddenly, and 
simultaneously, symptoms of discontent burst out with fearful 
earnestness at several stations of the Bengal presidency. At 
Agra, numerous incendiary fires heralded the approach of 
greater calamities. At Sealkote, inflammatory letters from the 
sepoys at Barrackpore were intercepted ; and at Umballah, the 
conflagrations became so frequent and destructive, that a re- 
ward of 1000 rupees was offered by the government for the dis- 
covery of the incendiaries. 

Toward the end of April, indications of disaff'ection and 
revolt became apparent at Lucknow, the capital of Oude, which 
speedily assumed a formidable aspect. The grievance of the 
obnoxious cartridges had of course been adopted by the sepoys 
stationed there; and, in addition, they had adopted a private 
wrong, which was especially their own. The European surgeon 
of the 34th regiment, in cantonment at Lucknow, had inad- 
vertently tasted a bottle of medicine before handing it over to 
a sick Brahmin soldier. The act was immediately construed 
into a flagrant violation of the privileges of caste, and a pre- 
meditated attempt to break down its distinctive barrier ; and 
the sepoys of this ill-conditioned regiment forthwith revenged 
the insult by burning down the doctor's bungalow. They also 
began to hold nightly meetings, and conflagrations were of 
frequent occurrence. Sir Henry Lawrence, the British residen* 



THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 351 

at Oude, was fortunately upon the spot at the time, and took 
effective means to trample out the smouldering fire llu 
ajyplied, by electric telegraph, to the govenior-geiieral in 
council for enlarged authority. " I want," said he, " unlimited 
powers ; I will not abuse them ;" and in a few seconds he re- 
ceived the desired grant. Tims armed, he prepared to put 
down any attempt at insurrection the instant it should become 
apparent. 

On the 3d of May, a letter addressed by the men of the tth 
Oude irregular infantry to the sepoys of the 48th regiment, 
was brought to his notice under the following circumstances. 
The writer, in the name of the tth regiment, said — " We are 
ready to obey the directions of our brothers of the 48th in the 
matter of the cartridges, and to resist either actively or pas- 
sively." This communication was handed to a Brahmin sepoy 
of the 48th, for the purpose of being read to his comrades ; but 
the man being " true to his salt," and an exception to his class, 
at once made known its purport to his havildar, who, in his 
turn, reported it to his subahdar ; and these having consulted 
together, it was decided to bring the matter to the notice of 
the commissioner, and the letter was accordingly placed in his 
hands. Tn the course of the same or the preceding day, some 
men of the tth had displayed an offensive temper; and among 
other outrageous acts of insubordination, four of them had 
forced their way into the quarters of the adjutant of the regi- 
ment (Lieutenant Mecham), and ordered him to prepare for 
death. They informed him that, personally, they had no 
quarrel with him, but that " he was a Feringhee, and must die !" 
The adjutant was at the moment without any means of defense; 
his visitors were armed to the teeth ; and resistance being use- 
less, the unfortunate otficer resolved to meet his fate calmly and 
with dignity. The mutineers having paused, that he might 
speak to them, he said — ''Men ! it is true that I am unarmed, 
and you can kill me ; but that will do you no good. You 
will not ultimately prevail in this matter; another adjutant 
will be appointed in ray place, and you will be subject to the 
game treatment you have received from rae. Why, then, should 



352 BRITISH INDIA. 

you desire to destroy me ?" The expostulation had a fortunate 
and unexpected effect upon the intruders, who turned and left 
the place without further attempting to molest the astonished 
officer. 

Information of this mutinous outrage having been forwarded 
to Sir Henry Lawrence in the course of the same evening, he, 
without a moment's unnecessary delay, ordered out her majesty's 
32d foot, the 13th, 48th, and list, native infantry, the Tth 
cavalry, and a battery of eight guns, manned by Europeans, 
and proceeded to the lines of the mutineers, about seven miles 
from the city. Darkness had set in before he arrived, and his 
movement had been so sudden, that the men of the 7th regi- 
ment were completely taken by surprise. Within live minutes 
after his troops had reached the parade-ground, the bugler was 
ordered to sound the assembly; and the men, on making their 
appearance, were commanded to form in front of their lines. 
In the presence of a force so overwhelming they saw they had 
no choice but to obey. The infantry and cavalry then formed 
Oh either side of them — the guns, within grape distance, being 
ranged in front ; and with this energetic demonstration before 
them, the 7th, completely baffled, awaited their doom, whatever 
it might be. They were simply ordered to lay down their arms, 
and I'ley obeyed- without a moment's hesitation. At this 
juntt^ re the port-fires of the artillery were lighted ; a sudden 
panir seized the whole regiment ; the men shouted as if frantic, 
" Do Mot fire 1 Do not fire !" and, breaking from the ranks, 
ruslied into their lines for shelter or concealment. So far the 
object of Sir Henry Lawrence had been accomplished without 
bloodshed ; the ringleaders, and many of their most active 
followers, were discovered and put under arrest the same night, 
and the remainder of the regiment was relieved from duty and 
confined to its lines pending further measures. 

Having thus promptly succeeded in quelling the first op<^n 
attempt to excite mutiny among the troops at Lucknow by the 
agency of the 7th regiment. Sir Henry Lawrence endeavored 
to remove the dissatisfaction that prevailed among the native 
regiments, by explanation and conciliatory treatment. 




CHAPTER XIII. 

MTJTINY AT MEERUT — REVOLT OF THE TROOPS — MASSACRE OF 
THE EUROPEAN OFFICERS AND INHABITANTS — FLIGHT OF THE 
MUTINEERS TO DELHI. 



While the transactions we have narrated were in progress 
through Other parts of the presidency, a cloud had been gather- 
ing over Meerut, an important military station situate in the 
Doab, nearly equidistant from the Ganges and the Jumna, and 
about thirty-two miles from Delhi. Little suspicion was yet 
entertained of the tempest about to burst, in torrents of blood, 
over the streets of the populous capital of an important dis- 
trict ; but, as it afterward appeared, the native troops, like 
those quartered at Barrackpore and other places already named, 
had become deeply impressed by a sense of grievance in con- 
nection with the objectionalDle cartridges, and they had also a 
supplemental imaginary wrong to excite the more credulous 
among them. A rumor had been privately circulated amongst 
the Brahmin sepoys, that the government designed to deprive 
them of the privileges of caste, by having the bones of bullocks, 

(353) 



354 BRITISH INDIA. 

ground and mixed with flour, sold in the markets, so that the 
Hindoo, by inadvertent]}'' partaking of food with whicli a portion 
of the substance of the forbidden animal was combined, would 
become polluted and outcast, and thus be compelled to embrace 
Christianity. The hostile influence of this impression at length 
became visible to the European inhabitants; and General 
Hewitt, commanding the forces at Meerut, attempted, through 
the instrumentality of the officers of the diff'erent corps, to 
combat these notions, and to eff'aee the mischievous impression. 
The remonstrances and arguments employed were, however, 
listened to with sullen impatience ; and it soon became evident 
that some deep-seated feeling, hostile to the Company's govern- 
ment, was operating upon the impulsive temperament of the 
entire native army, which merely waited for favorable oppor- 
tunity, and slight provocation, to burst into active revolt. In 
the early part of May, the Bombay Times represented the 
whole district from Calcutta to Lahore, as " either :n open 
mutiny, or upon the verge of it," The preconcerted arrange- 
ment, as subsequently disclosed, appears to have warranted 
such an opinion ; as it had been planned that a rising should 
take place simultaneously at Meerut, Lahore, and other cities 
of the Punjab. The revolted troops were then to fall back on 
Delhi, and make it their head-quarters, and the base of future 
operations in the Mogul empire ; which was to be there pro- 
claimed and established, by the extermination of the whole 
European army and population throughout India. 

The circumstances that immediately preceded the military 
outbreak at Meerut were as follows : — Some refractory temper 
having been exhibited by several men of the 3d native cavalry, 
in reference to the obnoxious cartridges, it was considered 
proper, by the officers in command at the station, to test the 
discipline of the regiment; and with this view, a parade was 
ordered on the 6th of May, at which the cartridges were served 
out to the men. Out of ninety sowars on parade, only five 
would receive, or even submit to touch them. Anxious to con- 
ciliate, rather than push matters hastily to an extreme point, 
the havildars were ordered to off'er them a second time to the 



THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 355 

eighty-five men, who again peremptorily refused to receive 
them ; and their insnbordiiiate conduct being reported to the 
general in command, the whole of the refractory soldiers were 
by his orders placed under arrest, and were subsequently tried 
by a court-martial composed of native officers, by whom the 
delinquents were severally sentenced to periods of imprisonment 
varying from six to ten years. The eighty-five prisoners were 
then placed in charge of a guard of European soldiers, com- 
posed of two companies of the 60th rifles, and twenty-five men 
of the carabineers, and were thus conducted to their lines. 

A general punishment parade was ordered at daybreak on 
the morning of Saturday, the 9th of May, and at that time all 
the troops at the cantonment, with the exception of the stand- 
ing guards, were paraded on the ground of the 60th rifles; that 
battalion, with the carabineers, the 3d light cavalry, the 11th 
and 20th regiments of native infantry, a light field battery, and 
a troop of horse-artillery, being present under arms. Upon 
the arrival of General Hewitt and his staff, the carabineers, 
horse-artillery, and rifles, were ordered to load ; and having 
performed this significant military operation, the eighty-five 
prisoners were marched to the ground under escort, the Euro- 
pean regiments and the guns of the artillery being disposed so 
that the slightest eft'ort to get up a mutinous outbreak would 
have been followed bv their inevitable destruction. The 
prisoners were in uniform when marched on to the ground ; 
but as soon as their respective sentences had been read in the 
hearing of the assembled troops, they werejordered to take off 
their military clothing and accoutrements ; and the armorers 
and smiths of the horse-artillery being in readiness with the 
necessary implements, irons w-ere riveted upon the legs of each 
individual, and, finall}'^, they were marched off the parade, and 
escorted to the gaol, about two miles from the cantonment. 
During the progress of this scene, so humiliating to the char- 
acter of the regiment to which the men belonged, the officers 
and men of the 3d cavalry present, appeared intensely, though 
silently, to feel the degradation of their comrades ; they sat 
mounted, with swords drawn and sloped, but allowed no out 



856 BRITISH INDIA. 

ward indication of the fires of revenge and hatred that were 
scorching their hearts, and consuming whatever had existed of 
human feeling vv'itliin them, to appear. The sepoy regia)ents, 
evidently intimidated by the pre[)arations that had been made 
to crush any mutinous demonstration on the ground, marched 
sullenly to their lines. 

Up to this date no suspicion of a general rising of the native 
troops had been entertained either by the officers in canton- 
ment or by the European residents at Meerut, the discontent 
of the native troops and their connections in the bazaars and 
town having merely shown itself by incendiary fires in the lines, 
scarcely a night passing without one or more conflagrations, 
and the partial and abortive attempt at mutiny already noticed. 
All was therefore in comparative repose until the evening of 
Sunday, the IQth of May, when a movement commenced among 
the native troops, which, in its results, showed that a plan of 
wholesale and indiscriminate massacre had been arranged, and 
was then about to be carried into efl'ect, the intent of the con- 
spirators being to surround, during church-time, the whole of 
the European population, civil as well as military ; which, 
thus surprised, unarmed, and defenseless, was to be destroyed, 
without exception or regard to age, sex, or station. To the 
successful accomplishment of this diabolical scheme there was 
but one obstacle — namely, the want of unanimity among the 
chief actors in the proposed tragedy. The 11th native in- 
fantry had less thirst for European blood than either the 3d 
cavalry or the 20th regiment. The moment for decisive action 
approached; and the 11th still holding out against a massacre, 
the men of the 20th, excited by rage and disappointment, at 
length fired several shots at the sepoys of the 11th, who, being 
either intimidated by the fury of their comrades, or probably 
not sincerely unwilling to join in the sanguinary work proposed 
to them, now joined the rebellious movement ; and the men of 
the three regiments, thus united, rushed together into the 
parade-ground, with shouts and execrations against the Euro- 
peans generally, and at once began their task of unrelenting 
slaughter. Unfortunately, at this critical moment, General 



THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 35*1 

Hewitt, in charge of the troops at the cantonment, seems to 
have shown much indecision as to the means to be adopted 
to arrest the first steps of the rebellious and murderous out- 
break. 

In the meantime the work of destruction was rapidly ap- 
proaching consummation. The moment the alarm had reached 
Colonel Finnis, commanding the 11th regiment, that officer 
rode to the parade-ground, and endeavored, by haranguing the 
men, to induce them to return to their duty as soldiers; he t 'c- 
horted them by their former good character and the confidence 
that had always been deservedly reposed in their loyalty and 
obedience, to remain true to their colors, and to avoid the stain 
that a useless attempt at mutiny would indelibly inflict upon the 
regiment. He appealed to them as their colonel and their 
friend ; but the reply to his remonstrance was a shot from a 
sepoy of the 20ih regiment, which struck him in the back as he 
uttered his last sentence. A volley from the muskets of the 
tumultuous rabble instantly followed this signal, and the colonel 
fell from his horse, riddled by bullets. Observing the fate of 
Colonel Finnis, and being utterly unprepared to resist the fury 
of the mutineers, the other officers withdrew from the parade- 
ground, and sought protection in the lines of the rifles and 6th 
dragoons, their longer continuance upon the scene being useless 
as well as personally hazardous. Throughout this scene, the 
men of the 11th regiment were not so murderously disposed as 
those of the 3d and 20th, since, if their desire had been to 
massacre their officers, they had ample opportunity to accom- 
plish their purpose while the colonel was addressing them ; and 
it may be observed also in their favor, that they offered no im- 
pediment to the escape of their officers after the colonel had 
fallen. 

During this lamentable scene on the parade-ground, a strong 
party of the 3d regiment had mounted and rode off to the gaol, 
where some eighty-five of their comrades had been conducted 
in irons the previous day, in accordance with a sentence of 
court-martial. Meeting with no attempt at resistance on the 
part of the burkandazes (gaol guards), the liberation of the 



858 BRITISH INDIA. 

troopers was speedily accomplished, as well as that of about 
1,200 other individuals, then in confinement for sundry crimes 
and offenses. The yet fettered sowars, exasperated by the dis- 
grace they had been subjected to, added greatly to the frenzied 
excitement of their comrades, who escorted them back to their 
lines in the cantonments, followed by a tumultuous rabble from 
the gaol, yelling and shouting, and vociferating savage denun- 
ciations of vengeance upon all Europeans. The first object of 
the rescuers, on returning to the cantonment, was to free their 
comrades from the irons riveted upon them ; the next, to join 
their brother mutineers of the 20th regiment in the frightful 
carnage that had already commenced, and in which the soldiers 
of the 3d regiment spared neither sex nor age. The men of 
the 20th regiment were equally busy at the like sanguinary 
pastime, and the murders committed by them were as numerous 
and unprovoked as those of the 3d; although, if it be possible 
to make a distinction in the character of such atrocities, the 
acts of the 20th were not signalized by the unspeakable brutali- 
ties that marked the pitiless vengeance of the 3d. The 11th 
regiment, as before observed, seemed at first to enter with re- 
luctance into the reckless outrages of the other troops ; but at 
length they also became excited by the fury of their companions 
in the mutiny, and exhibited a like avidity for the shedding of 
European blood. By this time darkness had set in ; and the 
fires that had been conveyed to every house and building, 
ofiicers' bungalows, public edifices, the mess-houses of the troops 
and, in short, every structure between the native lines and 
Meerut, began to proclaim their ascendancy over the fragile 
materials by which they were fed. On all sides great pinnacles 
of waving flame, of all hues and degree of intensity, shot up 
high into the darkness; huge volumes of smoke came rolling 
on in the sultry atmosphere ; and the cracking and roar of the 
extending conflagration, the frantic yells of the mutinous sepoys, 
and the shouts and shrieks of the multitude gathered to witness 
the progress of the revolt, and share in the plunder (many of 
whom fell from the random shots of the soldiers), all combined, 
on that dark and awful night, to present a scene of horrors it 



THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 359 

would be impossible fo exaggerate in attempting to describe. 
Every living thing within reach was attacked at once, as the 
furious mobs of sepoys and plunderers rushed from place to 
place, uttering cries of revenge on the Europeans, mingled 
with shouts of exultation at their easily-acquired triumph over 
unsuspecting and defenseless victims. 

The oflQcial details of the occurrence at Meerut on the 10th 
of May, as given by General Hewitt, are very meagre, and do 
not at all explain the reason why no European guard was 
placed over the gaol or the native lines, although the men 
were well known to be disaffected. Neither do they afford irt- 
formation why the brigadier did not advance in pursuit of the 
fugitives »\'ith even a portion of his force. Promptitude on 
the part of General Hewitt, in following up and attacking the 
mutineers the next morning, would have struck a mortal blow 
at the revolt, and would, in all probability, have saved Delhi 
from massacre and plunder. 

It is due to the men of the 11th to say, that they left Meerut 
without touching their officers, so that the deaths in that regi- 
ment must be attributed to the mutineers of other corps. Many 
other persons unconnected with the array, also fell before the 
rage of the mutineers who had carefully prearranged their out- 
break. At the very commencement, all possibility of telegrajihic 
communication with Delhi was cut off. They also had the 
precaution to keep possession of the road to the capital, as 
some movements made by the cavalry in that direction, were 
rendered unsuccessful by the advantges of time and position 
the rebels secured by their unmolested flight. 

It will be observed, that the first movement of the 3d and 
20th regiments commenced between four and five o'clock in the 
afternoon, and that the lines of the European cavalry ranged 
off from the centre of the cantonment, and consequently Acre 
within two miles and a-half of the extreme limits (inclusive) of 
the lines of the three mutinous regiments; and were certainly 
not more than four miles and a-half from the town of Meerut ; 
but, notwithstanding the proximity of the 6th dragoons and 
the other European troops, night had set in before they were 



360 BRITISH INDIA. 

on the parade-ground in service order ; and then, ns far as the 
6th dragoons were concerned, according to various letters we 
have seen, began the system of inarching and countermarching 
that ended in their doing nothing. The 60tli rilies and horse- 
artillery were first upon the scene of outrage ; the dragoons 
(probably fearful of blowing their horses by too much haste) 
leisurely followed ; but long before they reached the native 
lines, the mutineers had exhausted their fury, and, sated with 
blood and carnage, had begun to retire in the direction of 
Delhi. Their rear was already disappearing in the gloom, 
when it was discovered by the 60th rifles and the horse-artillery, 
who fired a few volleys into a wood in which the fugitives had 
sought cover. It was now quite dark, and beyond the wood 
no search was made or pursuit attempted; the rifles and artil- 
lery therefore retraced their steps to the cantonment, and, on 
the parade-ground of the late Uth regiment, met the 6th 
dragoons, returning from their useless ride. The mutineers, 
thus left free to choose their accommodation for the night, en- 
camped unmolested within six miles of Meerut. The European 
troops bivouacked upon the scene of devastation and slaughter 
they had not prevented by timely interposition ; and the re- 
mainder of the night of the 10th of May was occupied in de- 
vising plans for the future safety of the smoking ruins of 
Meerut, and of the portion that yet survived of its European 
population. 

The horrors of that dreadful night could scarcely have been 
surpassed though, unfortunately, they were too closely paral- 
leled by subsequent atrocities in other places. The mutinous 
and infuriated soldiers had, it is true, withdrawn from the scene 
of their outrages ; but the liberated prisoners from the gaol, 
and the rabble of the town, continued their ravages almost 
without a check. The first act of Major-general Hewitt, afier 
the return of the troops from their tardy, and consequently in- 
effective pursuit, was to post European sentries in difl'erent 
])arts of Meerut ; and the constant fire of their rifles showed 
that the measure, late as it was adopted, was necessary. To 
many of the surviving Europeans, the night of the ]Oth of 



THE EUROPEAN PERIOD 



361 



May, 185T, was one of agonizing suspense ; to some it was a 
night in which the desolated heart was numbed by the intensity 
of its hopeless grief. Husbands had missed their wives, wives 
had been torn away from their husbands ; infants had been 
wrenched from their mothers' arms to be butchered before their 
eyes ; and children had been compelled to witness the expiring 
agonies of their murdered parents, and even to drink their 
blood I 

It is quite clear that no attempt was made, even on tho 
following morning, to pursue and attack the fugitive mutineers, 
who were consequently allowed to advance upon Delhi without 
hindrance — an advantage that enabled them the more effectively 
to perpetrate the atrocities we have yet to record. 




SI 




CHAPTER XIV. 



FALL OP DELHL 



Resumtfo the details of an outbreak that was destined, in its 
results, to involve the partial destruction of the capital of the 
ancient raonarchs of Hindostan, and to destroy the last relics 
of a once mighty dynasty, we find, that after a short interval 
of rest from the fatigue and excitement of the previous night, 
the mutinous troops, at an early hour, commenced their flight 
tovvard Delhi, and by a forced march of considerably more 
tlian thirty miles, arrived within sight of its towers shortly after 
eight o'clock on the morning of Monday, May the 11th. The 
city was at this time garrisoned wholly by native troops, con- 
sisting of the 38th, 54th, and 74th regiments of infantry, and a 
battery of native artillery. The arsenal in the interior of the 
city contained 900,000 cartridges, two complete siege-trains, a 
large number of field guns, and some 8000 or 10,000 muskets. 
A powder-magazine, which had been removed, at the request 
of the inhabitatants, from the city to the cantonments, at this 
time contained not less than 10,000 barrels — a formidable 
supply for the purposes of rebellious soldiers. 
(362) 



THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 365 

On tlie arrival of the mutineers from Meernt, tliey found no 
dilliculty in fraternizing with the troops which Avere stationed 
at Delhi. Several of the officers were killed wliile attempting 
to prevent the sepoys under their command from taking a part 
in the rebellion, and the whole native force in Delhi were soon 
°.ngaged in murdering the European residents. 

Some sepoys of the 38th and 74th regiments, on duty at the 
magaisine guard and at the Calcutta gate, threw open the 
laiier, and rushed forward to welcome the mutineers, a portion 
of whom entered the city, and at once commenced the work of 
destruction. They first set on fire the bungalows in Durya 
Gunge, cutting down the European inhabitants as they tried to 
escape from the flames ; they then plundered and destroyed the 
dispensary building near the fort, and murdered Chimmnm 
Lall, the native doctor; then seeing the commisvsioner driving 
past, on his way to the palace, they dashed after him, over- 
took, and struck him down, but not before he had shot one of 
his pursuers ; in revenge for which they afterward cut off his 
iiead, and carried it about in triumph. 

Whilst this party of the mutineers was thus employed, others 
>iad proceeded to the river-gate of the palace, from whence 
communication was speedily opened with the attendants of the 
king; and the occurrence at Meerut was made known, with 
the desire of the soldiers that his majesty should ascend the 
throne. After a short parley the troopers were, by order of 
the king, admitted within the gates. It was some time, how- 
ever, after the arrival of the mutineers at tlie palace before the 
king yielded to tlieir clamor that he should suffer himself to bo 
proclaimed emperor. It was represented to him that the 
whole of Hindostan had risen to shake off the yoke of the 
English ; that Calcutta and other chief towns were already in 
possession of the native armies ; and that it was only for his 
majesty to unfurl the sacred standard of the empire, and the 
warlike millions of India would range themselves beneatli it, and 
re-establish the independent throne of the Moguls, driving the 
English tyrants into the sea, or feeding the vultures with their 
carcasses. Tw^o troops of artillery, that had deserted from 
31* 



366 BKITISH INDIA. 

Mecrnt in the confusion of the previous night, had now aii//ed, 
and entering the city by the Calcutta gate, fired a royal oalute 
of twenty-one guns in front of the palace. This incident de- 
cided the future of the ill-starred descendant of the royal house 
of Tirnour ; he yielded ; and the soldiers, exulting in their 
t'-iumph over his scruples, and feeling they had now a rallying 
point under any emergency, rushed through the palace gates 
into the streets of the city, to put a climax to the work of 
treachery and rebellion. 

The first person who fell a sacrifice to the fury of the soldiers 
upon their entry into the palace, was the commandant of the 
guard of the titular king, Captain Douglas. The next victims 
of their barbarity were the Rev. Mr. Jennings, the English 
chaplain to the Residency, and his daughter, an amiable young 
lady of nineteen, who were seized while on their way to seek 
the king's protection. They were hurried into the presence of 
the puppet sovereign ; and to the demand of the troopers, 
"What shall we do with them ?" the king is reported to have 
replied, "What you like ; I give them to you." History must 
draw a vail over the sufferings of these unfortunate martyrs. 

Meanwhile the people of the city were gathering for mis- 
chief; and as the day advanced, the Goojnrs of the villages 
around Delhi became aware of the chances for plunder, and 
were ready for action. Pillage and murder now ravaged the 
streets ; every house in which a European was believed to have 
resided was searched, and ransacked from foundation to roof. 
The purpose of the soldiers was massacre ; that of the rabble 
which followed in their train, and added to the horror of their 
outrages, was plunder. Arming themselves with the national 
hatred of Europeans as a pretext, the bud-mashes and rioters 
broke into the houses of the rich native inhabitants, the sho[)s 
of the citizens, and the public stables. Many of the shop- 
keepers fell victims to the fury of the rabble, merely for asking 
payment for their goods. While a portion of the mutinous 
soldiers and rabble were thus occupied, others spread through 
the streets in search of the European and Christian inhabitants, 
whom they butchered without mercy. One of their first objects, 



THE EUROPEAN PERIOD 86? 

after glutting their hatred against the Feringliees, was to o))tain 
possession of the treasure deposited in the Delhi bank, and to 
murder the manager in charge — a Mr. Beresford, whose wife 
and five children fell a sacrifice to their barbarity, by having 
their throats severed, and mangled with brokv,n glass. They 
next plundered the government treasuries, destroyed the church, 
and utterly demolished the })remises of the Delhi Gazette, 
throwing the presses into the river, and melting the type into 
slugs. The compositors attempted to escape in the disguise 
of natives ; but, on being recognized, were literally hacked to 
pieces. 

The fate of the unfortunate Europeans who had been unable 
to leave the city previous to the outbreak of the populace, was 
most deplorable; no mercy or consideration was sliovvn to age 
or sex. Delicate women, mothers and daughters, were stripped 
of their clothing, violated, turned naked into the streets, beaten 
with canes, pelted with filth, and abandoned to the beastly 
lusts of the blood-stained rabble, until death or madness de- 
prived them of all consciousness of their unutterable misery. 
A few Europeans, with arms, took refuge in a mosque ; as they 
were without water or food, they at last determined to give 
themselves up; and, calling to the subahdar in charge of a 
native guard before the door, they asked for water, and that he 
should pledge his oath to take them alive to the king. The 
oath was given, and the Europeans came from their asylum. 
The mutineers placed water before ihem, and said, " Lay down 
your arms, and then you get water." They obeyed ; and the 
soldiers instantly surrounded them ; they gave no water, but 
seized the whole party, consisting of eleven children, eight 
ladies, and eight gentlemen, whom they marched off immediately 
to the cattle-sheds, placed them in a row, and shot them. Oile 
lady entreated of the murderers to give her child some water, 
although they killed herself A sepoy, in reply to the mother's 
appeal, snatched the child from her arms, and dashed its brains 
out on the pavement before her face I The demoniac fury of 
the excited multitude had no bounds ; and in a few hours after 
Butirise of Monday the 11th of May, the interior of Delhi was 



368 BRITISH INDIA. 

a pandemonium that fiends might have shuddered to con- 
template. 

Upon the first alarm reaching Sir Theophilus Metcalf, the 
political agent:, he immediately proceeded to the magazine, 
situated within the walls, near tiie Calcutta gate, and gave 
directions for two guns to be placed on the bridge of boats 
over the Jumna, for the purpose of preventing further approach 
to the city in that direction ; but the movement on this point 
had already been anticipated by the mutineers, who had taken 
])ossession of it, and were then in considerable force on the 
Delhi side of the river. Foiled in this object, the attention of 
Sir Theophilus and the officer in charge of the ordnance stores 
(Lieutenant Willoughby), was directed to the defenses of the 
magazine, which, at the time, contained an unusually large 
quantity of ammunition and military stores. The gates were 
immediately closed and barricaded, two six-pounder guns, 
double-charged with grape, were placed in a position to com- 
mand the gates in case they should be forced by the rebellious 
sepoys ; other guns of larger calibre were also double-charged,, 
and placed in position to act upon various parts of the maga- 
zine buildings ; and a train having been laid communicating 
with the interior, and given in charge to a trustworthy non- 
commissioned officer, arms were distributed among the native 
servants of the establishment ; and the little garrison of seven 
Europeans awaited in silence the attack they had so much 
reason to expect. 

After a brief interval, during which the ferocity of the 
mutineers had been partially sated by rapine and murder, a 
summons was transmitted from the palace, demanding, in the 
kiTig's name, the surrender of the magazine. Of this message 
no notice was taken by its defenders, and ladders were there- 
upon brought from the palace for the purpose of taking it by 
escalade. Already the mutinous troops swarmed upon the 
walls ; the rifles of the gallant defenders sped their unerring 
bolts, and thinned their ranks. In the midst of the unequal 
conflict, the whole of the native servants of the magazine and 
ordnance departments contrived to scramble up the sheds and 



THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 369 

buildings against the outer wall, and, descending by the ladders, 
joined the ranks of the assailants. The attack was persevered 
in, although continued rounds of grape swept them from the 
walls only to be replaced by others. At length, tne bullets of 
the enemy began to tell upon the little garrison, two out of tl»e 
seven beitjg wounded ; and Lieutenant Willoughby felt that 
the moment had approached in which the defense of the maga- 
zine and its important contents must be consummated by the 
destruction of the whole. The walls were again crowned by 
the exasperated sepoys ; the outer court of the building was 
already filled by the advancing enemy; when a preconcerted 
signal was given. A few seconds had scarcely elapsed before 
a dull, heavy report boomed above the din of the city and the 
shouts of its maddened people ; the ground vibrated, and a 
huge volume of smoke ascending in the air, spread like a pall 
over the palace of the Moguls, and announced, amidst the 
groans and shrieks of its ferocious and mangled assailants, that 
the great magazine of Delhi, with its vast accumulations of 
powder and military stores, had been blown into the air. The 
gallant Willoughby happily escaped the effects of the explosion 
with merely a severe scorching; but it was believed that from 
1,500 to 2,000 of the mutineers and town rabble were blown 
up with the magazine, or were crushed by the falling and 
scattered ruins. Exasperated by the disappointment occasioned 
by the destruction of the stores, the sowars rushed to the palace, 
and demanded of the king that the Europeans who had received 
his assurance of protection should be given up to them. The 
demand was acceded to ; and the unfortunate victims of royal 
perfidy and insatiable revenge were murdered in cold blood by 
the remorseless soldiers, who, in reply to their appeals for 
mercy, pointed to their legs and pretended to show the marks 
of the irons that had been put upon them pn the Saturday pre- 
vious to the outbreak at Meerut. 




CHAPTER XY. 

APPEARANCE OF DISSATISFACTION AT TJMBALLAH. — MUTINOUS 
DEMONSTRATIONS AT FEROZEPORE AND LAHORE. 



Turning for a moment from the head-quarters of rebellion, 
as established at Delhi, we now proceed to trace the progress 
of the outbreak in other districts of British India, and to de- 
scribe the steps taken to arrest the further spread of the dis- 
order that ravaged the country. 

From the beginning of January it had gradually become 
manifest that an unquiet and discontented feeling was gaining 
strength among the troops in several stf^tions of the Bengal 
presidency, and the attention of Government was repeatedly m- 
vited to the subject ; but the measures adopted at Barrackpore 
and other places, were thought to have efiectually checked the 
mischievous impulse ; and so little was its revival anticipated, 
that the commander-in-chief, General Anson, sought a tempo- 
rary relaxation from the duties of his onerous position in a 
sporting tour, that occasionally took him to a distance from 
any telegraphic communication. Upon his return :ii Marc)), 
his excellency visited the school of musketry at TJmoailah, and 
from thence proceeded to Simla, where he purposed to remain 
during the season. Meantime the old difficulty about th© 
(310) 



THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 3^3 

greased cartridges recurred, and notwithstanding the attempts 
of the officers at conciliation, the discontent of the sepoys was 
manifested by incendiary fires, of which not less than fifteen oc- 
curred between the 26th of March and the 1st of May, by which 
military depots, arms, ammunition and supplies for the army 
to an immense amount, were destroyed, in and near Umballah. 

It had by this time become evident, that independent of the 
murinous demonstrations at Meerut and Delhi, the seeds of 
disaffection and revolt were germinating, and rapidly attaining 
maturity, in other districts of the presidency ; and a jmccession 
of disturbances in places far distant from each other, but 
evidently moved by the same impulsive cause, afforded ample 
proof that the most energetic measures would be required to 
preserve the integrity of British power in India. It was in 
vain that the suspicions and fears of the credulous and excitable 
sepoys had been alternately met with explanation and conces- 
sion, by positive indulgence or by rigorous punishment ; the 
evil yet existed in its full strength ; and the efforts as yet made 
to eradicate it, only served to lessen the prestige of a govern!- 
ment that could tamely concede the high principle of absolute 
command, and accept from its troops a conditional service in 
lieu of unhesitating and implicit obedience. Circumstances 
had enabled the Mohammedan and Hindoo elements embodied 
in the mass of the native armies of British India, to put the 
screw of their prejudices and assumed privileges upon the im- 
pressible nature of the government ; and the ravages at Meerut 
and Delhi were but the early results of an influence that, by 
timely caution, might have been altogether prevented. 

At Ferozepore — situate also in the north-west province, on 
the left bank of the Sutlej, distant about 175 miles from Lahore, 
and 1,181 from Calcutta — a new source of disquietude had 
now arisen to embarrass the authorities. In the early part of 
May the garrison at this place consisted of the 45th and 57th 
regiments of native infantry, the 10th native light cavalry, and 
her majesty's 61st foot. On the night of the 12th a detach- 
ment of the 57th regiment was on guard duty at the magazine, 
which was situated within the lines of a fortificationiiear the 
32 



ST 4 BRITISH INDIA. 

town, and at a short distance from the cantonment. In conse- 
quence of some suspicion as to the loyalty of the native troopa 
at the station, a company of her majesty's 61st regiment was 
told off for the relief on the following morning. No oppor 
tunity was afforded for discussion or inquiry among the troops^ 
respecting the sudden alteration of the roster for the day ; and 
the new guard, in due course, was marched to the post assigned 
to it. Upon the arrival of the relief, the two guards remained 
together, while orders were carried into effect for the immediate 
removal of the women and children, and of the unarmed Chris- 
tian population, to the magazine fort for safety. During this 
operation the 10th light cavalry and the two native regiments 
of infantry were paraded at the cantonment, and the 45th was 
ordered to march to the Suddur Bazaar, situated at some dis- 
tance, and in an opposite direction from the fortifications. The 
regiment marched out in obedience to orders ; but as soon as 
it had reached the entrance to the bazaar, the men halted of 
their own accord, and, facing about, immediately proceeded at 
quick-step toward the magazine. Having reached the north- 
west bastion of the fortifications, they managed to communicate 
with some men of the 57th regiment, yet within the walls ; and 
the latter proceeded to throw out ropes, and put over ladders 
to assist them in scaling the fortifications. By these aids the 
moat was crossed, and the outer defenses carried by the muti- 
neers, who numbered about 3000. Having succeeded thus far 
without difficulty, they next attempted to force the inner gate 
leading to the depot for ordnance stores ; but here they were 
met by Colonel Redmond, and five men of the 61st regiment, 
who tired a volley, and killed six of the assailants — the colonel 
being in return shot in the thigh and disabled. Repulsed at 
this point, the mutineers endeavored to obtain access to the 
interior of the fort by another gate ; but again they were driven 
back with loss, and being dispirited by their failures, they com- 
menced a precipitate retreat over the walls they had just scaled, 
many of them falling in the attempt by the butt-ends* of the 
muskets of the 61st. In the midst of this affair a reinforcement 
of two companies of the Queen's regiment, with two guns. 



THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 375 

nndev the command of Lieutenant Angelo, arrived at the maga- 
zine ; and the guard of the 57th, which had been standing 
quietly in front of the European relief, while the struggle with 
their mutinous comrades was proceeding in another part of the 
fortification, now began to exhibit symptoms of defiance by 
loading their muskets. Lieutenant Angelo had his two guns 
charged with grape, and turned their muzzles upon the com- 
pany, which was then immediately disarmed by her majesty's 
61st, and turned out the intrenchment. The 45th native in- 
fantry retreated toward the Ice-pits, and carrying their dead 
with them, left the bodies at the Mussulman graveyard, adjoin- 
ing that of the Europeans. The remainder of the day was 
passed in comparative quiet; but as soon as night had thrown 
her vail of darkness over the scene of the morning's struggle, 
about 200 of the mutineers returned to the cantonment, and in 
gangs took lighted torches and set fire to the church, chapel, 
two vacant hoj;pitals, her majesty's 61st mess-houses, Captains 
Salmon, Harvey, Woodcock, Cotton, and Bloomfield's bunga- 
lows, and several others. They were not even molested in 
committing this incendiarism except at the chapel, where a 
young lad, the son of Mr. Hughes, a merchant, shot one of 
of them ; every one seemed panic-stricken. The next day, the 
14th, the mutineers began to plunder some of the officers' 
houses, when a party of her majesty's 61st and 10th light 
cavalry drove them out, and shot some of them ; Lieutenant 
Prendergast and the serjeant-major of the cavalry were both 
fired upon, and as the magazines of the 45th and 57th native 
infantry were in danger of falling into the hands of the muti- 
neers, the artillery brought their guns to bear upon the build- 
ings, which were blown up by a couple of shots fired into them. 
On the same day the 57th native infantry were disarmed, and 
the mutineers of the 45th, to the number of two hundred, sent 
in the colors of their regiment, and surrendered their arms and 
themselves. 

By this time a suspicion existed among the Europeans at 
Lahore, that the fidelity of the troops in the cantonment at 
Mean-mere, consisting of the 16th, 26th, and 40th regiuienta 



376 BRITISH INDIA. 

of native infantry, and the 8th light cavalry, could no longer 
be relied on ; and, as a matter of prudent caution, Brigadier 
Corbett, the officer in command, with the concurrence of Sir 
John Lawrence, determined upon disarming them. It for 
Innately happened at the time that the queen's 81st regiment, 
and two battalions of English artillery, were also in canton- 
ment, and aiforded the means for carrying such determination 
into effect without difficulty. These regiments, it was known, 
were merely awaiting a favorable opportunity to break out into 
open revolt ; but they lost the chance by delay, and the cool but 
decisive arrangements of Sir John Lawrence. A ball had been 
announced at the station for some weeks, and the patrons of it 
were now desirous that the elite of the European residents 
should attend as if nothing had occurred at Delhi, or other 
places, to occasion alarm. This appearance of ignorance de- 
ceived the ringleaders of the intended revolt, and induced 
them to make their final arrangements with more leisure than 
was compatible with success. Dancing was kept up with great 
zest and spirit until an early hour of Thursday, the 14th of 
May ; but when the native regiments marched at daybreak to 
the parade-ground, intending to commence the insurrectionary 
movement, they were panic-stricken by the preparations made 
to receive them. The European artillery had taken a position 
immediately in front, and the 81st regiment was formed in line 
in rear of the guns ; the latter were charged with grape before 
they were brought on the ground ; and the 81st received the 
order to load. Tne order for disarming the native troops was 
then read by Brigadier Corbett ; and, at its conclusion, he 
commanded the sepoys to pile their arms, and the cavalry to 
throw their swords on the ground, and retire to the rear of the 
infantry. To the great astonishment of the Europeans, the 
order was obeyed without hesitation or remonstrance ; and the 
arms being collected were placed in wagons, and escorted by a 
detachment of the 81st regiment to the fort at Lahore. The 
men of the native corps were then dismissed from parade, and 
almost immediately left the station, without committing any 
outrage, but dispersing in various directions about the coui»try. 



THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 377 

. 11 ivas at length found to be necessary that sonie plan should 
be adopted to check the spirit of insubordination that had be- 
come apparent in many districts of the Punjab ; and for this 
purpose a council of war, composed of Major-general Reid, 
Brigadiers Chamberlayne and Cotton, and Colonels Edwards and 
Nicholson, was held at Peshawur on the 13th of May. After 
due consideration of the state of the country, it was arranged, that 
the troops scattered about the hills should be concentrated in 
Jhelum, the central point of the Punjab. In accordance with 
this resolution, the 27th foot from the hills at Nowshera, the 
the 24th foot (British regulars), from Rawul Pindee, one Euro- 
pean troop of horse-artillery from Peshawur, the guide corps 
from Murdan, 16th irregular cavalry from Rawul Pindee, the 
natife Kumaon battalion from the same place, the 1st Punjab 
infantry from Bunnoo, a wing of the 2d Punjab cavalry from 
Kohat, and half a company of sappers from Attock, were 
ordered to concentrate at Jhelum, from whence the Punjab 
could be secured. These measures were taken just in time ; 
for the 24th, 27th, and 51st native infantry, and 5th light 
cavalry, were all disaffected, and gradually showed a spirit so 
dangerous, that on the 29th of May the four regiments were 
disarmed without offering resistance. A party was at the same 
time sent, under Lieutenant-colonel Nicholson, to disarm the 
65th native infantry, in garrison at Murdan, a fort in the centre 
of the Peshawur valley. The corps resisted ; a fight ensued ; 
and the sepoys lost about 200 men, killed and prisoners, the 
remnant making good a retreat to the hills, where they were 
pursued and scattered by Major Yaughan with his mountain 
train. 




32* 




CHAPTER XYI. 

DISTURBANCES IN BOMBAY — THE PARSEES, OR FIRE- WORSHIPERS 
AT BAROACH — THE RAJAHS OF GWALIOR, PUTTEEALA, JHIND, 
AND BHURTPORE THE NORTH-WESTERN PROVINCES. 



While the fires of rebellion were thus spreading over the 
presidency of Bengal, that of Bombay was not at this period 
entirely free from disquietude, although the cause of it did not 
appear to be connected with any of the grievances that con- 
vulsed the sister presidency. In Bombay and several of the 
principal towns bordering upon the Gulf of Canibay, large 
numbers of a singular people, called Parsees (descended from 
the Guebres, or Fire-worshipers of Persia), had located them- 
vselves after their expulsion from that country by the Moham- 
medans. They are described, at the present time, as an active, 
intelligent, and loyal body of men, contributing greatly to the 
commercial prosperity of the settlement in which they are 
resident. The mercantile property and wealth of Bombay are 
principally in their hands, as it is usual for every European 
bouse to have one or more Parsee partners, who supply a large 
portion of the capital. In personal appearance they are taller, 
(378) 



THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 379 

better formed, more athletic, and, as a race, have handsomer 
features than the Hindoos generally. 

The outbreak we are about to describe occurred at Yaejul- 
pore, the Farsee suburb of Baroach, on the morning of the 12th 
of May, when, without any previous indication of bad feeling, 
about half the Mussulman population of the place, and as many 
more of .the same faith as could be gathered from the neigh- 
boring villages, assembled with arms at a shrine called Bawa 
Ruhan, about a mile from the city ; and, after a brief consulta- 
tion, marched into the Parsee quarters, and immediately com- 
menced a ferocious and indiscriminate attack upon the defense- 
less inhabitants. They struck down and mutilated every 
Parsee that came in their way, pulled down and plundered the 
dwellings and warehouses belonging to them, and perpetrated 
the most outrageously indecent attacks upon women. During 
the tumult, one unfortunate individual in particular became an 
object of their vengeance ; they chased him from house to 
house as he sought refuge, and at length dragged him from his 
last place of shelter, strangled, and then inflicted innumerable 
wounds on him with all sorts of weapons, even after he had 
expired. They also murdered the high-priest of the Parsees 
in the fire-temple, which, together with the Tower of Silence 
(tomb adjacent), the fanatical Mohammedans desecrated in a 
manner most offensive to the feelings of the Parsees. The 
deputy-magistrate being one of that people, very narrowly 
escaped being stoned and stabbed. As soon as the chief 
magistrate and superintendent w^ere informed of the tumult at 
Yaejulpore, they repaired to the scene of disturbance, but were 
insulted, and even roughly handled. At length it was found 
necessary to send for a detachment of sepoys, for the purpose 
of restoring order ; but these also were rudely assailed, on their 
arrival, by the infuriated populace ; and as they were not 
allowed to fire in their own defense, the ravages of the mob 
continued until a large amount of property had been destroyed, 
and several valuable lives were sacrificed. 

Returning to the progress of the sepoy mutiny, we may 
observe, that the recently annexed kingdom of Oude (which, 



S80 BRITISH INDIA. 

under the administrafion of Lord Dalhousie, had been reduced 
to a political grade subordinate to the presidency of Bengal) 
was at this time considered perfectly safe under the vigorous 
supervision of Sir Henry Lawrence, notwithstanding an abortive 
mutinous attempt of the 7th Oude irregular infantry on the 
3d of May, which had been promptly met and efifectu.ally 
crushed. The principal native chiefs were yet faithful ; and no 
occasion had been given to doubt the sincerity of their alle- 
giance. Scindia, the Rajah of Gwalior was the first to tender 
assistance to the government after the affair at Meerut, by 
offering to the lieutenant-governor at Agra, through the 
political agent, the services of the whole or any part of his 
troops. This offer was partly accepted ; and the maharajah'a 
body-guard, composed of horse artillery and cavalry, together 
with a detail of picked infantry, was immediately detached to 
await the disposal of the lieutenant-governor; and but for a 
serious indisposition at the time, the rajah would himself 
have headed his troops on the service. The rajahs of Bhurt- 
pore, Jhind, and <Putteeala, also promptly dispatched their 
contingents to the aid of the English authorities. 

Such instances of fidelity present honorable exceptions to 
the general conduct of the native princes at the commencement 
of disturbances that have since involved many of them in ruin. 

Our attention must now be directed to events connected 
with the city of Agra — capital of the Anglo-Indian province 
of the same name, and seat of the lieutenant-governor of the 
North- Western Provinces. This important station is situated 
on the right bank of the river Jumna, in lat. 27"^ 12' N., and 
long. 78° 6' E. Its distance from Delhi is 130 miles; and 
from Calcutta about 839 miles. 

On the 13th of May a general parade was held of the troops 
in cantonment at Agra, when the lieutenant-governor of the 
North-Western Provinces (Mr. Colvin) addressed them, as- 
suring them, if they had any cause of dissatisfaction, and 
wished to leave the Company's service, they might say so, and 
they should be allowed to depart peacefully. The men replied, 
in a body, that they were satisfied and happy, and had no wish 



THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 381 

to leave so good a service. The lieutenant-governor then 
addressed the European troops, telling them to consider the 
native soldiers as brothers, and to be as kind to them as pos- 
sible. These harangues were favorably listened to by the 
whole of the force present, and both natives and Europeans 
cheered the lieutenant-governor as he left the ground under the 
usual salute. 

The local authorities appear to have acted with judgment 
and firmness at the crisis presented to them ; and the lieutenant- 
governor of the North-Western Provinces proved equal to the 
emergency by at once proclaiming martial law in the districts 
of Meerut, Moozuffernugger, Boolundshuhur, and the Delhi 
territory east of the river Jumna. 

It might have been expected that the effect of this measure 
would have been seen in the improved condition of the district; 
but such was not the case ; and after a very short period of 
comparative quiet, abundant demonstration was aflbrded of the 
fact, that the snake of revolt in that portion of British India 
had been merely scotched — not killed. 

Up to the middle of May, however, affairs had continued 
tolerably satisfactory at Agra ; and the state of the surrounding 
districts was such as afforded no extraordinary cause for 
apprehension. 

The 9th regiment of native infantry, whose good conduct 
had been favorably noticed at Etawah, had its head-quarters at 
Allygurh, with detachments at Mynpoorie, Etawah, and Boo- 
lundshuhur. At the last-named place, an emissary of the 
mutineers from Delhi had been detected while endeavoring to 
tamper with the loyalty of the men ; some of whom, who were 
yet untainted by a mutinous spirit, became indignant at his in- 
trusion, and repudiated the doctrine he was disseminating 
among their comrades. Finding their remonstrances of no 
avail, they at length seized the traitor, and conveyed him a 
prisoner to the officer in charge of the detachment, who for- 
warded him to Allygurh, where he was tried by court-martial, 
and, upon the evidence of the soldiers from Boolundshuhur, 
was convicted and sentenced to be hanged. The three men 



S82 BRITISH INDIA 

who, in the execution of their duty, had been thus instrumental 
in arresting? the career of a traitor, stood alone in their loj'alty, 
the remainder of the detachment having taken an opposite 
view of their duty as soldiers ; and upon hearing the result of 
the proceedings at Allygurh, the whole of them deserted their 
post, and joined the head-quarters of the regiment, bitterly 
upbraiding their comrades for the part they had taken against 
a Brahmin sepoy. The morning of Thursday, the 21st of 
May, was appointed for the execution of the rebel from Delhi, 
and the regiment paraded in the usual manner for carrying the 
sentence into effect in the presence of the whole corps. The 
proceeding had gone on without any appearance of disorder 
on the part of the men, until the hangman had performed his 
duty, and the body of the traitor hung suspended from the 
gallows, when one of the Boolundshuhur sepoys rushed forward, 
and declared aloud to his comrades, "that they had destroyed 
a martyr to the cause of their religion, since the Company's 
government had determined on sacrificing caste throughout 
India I" The men listened, awed into silence by the frightful 
denunciations of the sepoy ; they then conversed together — 
wavered, and finally broke from their ranks with frantic and 
threatening shouts, declaring their intention to march at once 
for Delhi, in the name of "Deen and the King." Some of the 
better disposed men gathered round the European officers, and 
assured them, that although they could not prevent the dis- 
persion of the regiment, they would protect them, and take 
care no harm should befall them ; and they kept their ])romisc ; 
but the remainder of the regiment, after plundering and partly 
burning the station, marched off for Delhi, taking with them 
their comrades from Boolundshuhur and Etawah, which latter 
place they also plundered. 

On the evening of the 23d of May, intelligence of these 
events reached the station of Mynpoorie, a town about fiUv 
miles south-west of Agra, where another detachment, consisting 
of two companies of the 9th native infantry, had been posted, 
and the men did not hesitate to follow in the steps of their mu- 
tinous comrades. Unlike them, however, their conduct was p^t 



THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 



383 



marlved by outrage ; and owing to the judicious behavior of an 
officer with the detachment, Lieutenant De Kantzow, who tera- 
peralely reasoned with them upon the folly of their conduct, 
they were induced to leave the place without inflicting any in- 
jury, or ofl'ering any insult to the Europeans. The latter, on 
the departure of the sepoys, formed a volunteer corps among 
aiemselves, for the purpose of protecting the treasury and the 
property of the inhabitants* 




SVM9 8AEA0003, PSISCB Ot StlAXrS^ 




CHAPTER XYII. 

THE OUTBREAK AT NUSSEERABAD — DEATH OF COLONEL PENNY- 
INFANTRY DISARMED AT AGRA — ANTICIPATED DISTURBANCES 
AT BAREILLY — REVOLT OF THE NATIVE REGIMENTS, AND 
FLIGHT OF THE OFFICERS. 



Notwithstanding the favorable aspect of affairs, as under- 
Btood and acted upon at this period in Calcutta, the poison of dis- 
affection was still operating with deadly effect and ceaseless activ- 
ity upon the native army, at the various stations throughout the 
presidency ; and the unfortunate result was next manifest at the 
cantonment of Nusseerabad, a town in the upper province, sit- 
uate about twelve miles to the south-east of Ajmeer. This can- 
tonment had been drained of infantry and guns for the Persian 
war ; but the 1st Bombay lancers had remained ; and, shortly 
after, the 15th Bengal native infantry from Meerut, the 30th 
from Agra, and the 2d company of the tth battalion Bengal 
artillery, were added to supply the deficiency of troops at the 
station. Matters proceeded quietly at this place until the after- 
noon of the 28th of May, when the horses of the Bombay troop, 
with a portion of the men, had gone to water. As soon as 
they were out of the cantonment, the light company of the 15th 
native infantry, by a sudden and unexpected movement, took 
^384) 



THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 385 

pOi5session of the artiHerv, and, being joined by the remainder 
of the regiment, turned the guns upon the lines occupied by the 
cavah-y. For some hours the 30th regiment and the artillery- 
men remained passive : they refused to act against the mutineers ; 
but they took no part in their proceedings, and protected their 
officers from insult. At length, as the evening advanced, the 
whole of them yielded to persuasion, and threw themselves into 
the movement commenced by the mutineers of the 15th regi- 
ment. The lancers, who numbered 250 men, finding the crisis 
had arrived for deciding the mastery, unhesitatingly charged 
the rebellious mass in the hope to recover the guns. Driven 
back for a moment, they rallied, and again and again advanced 
upon the bayonets of the mutineers ; and, though ultimately 
repulsed by the overwhelming numbers of their opponents, cov- 
ered themselves with glory, and inflicted severe loss upon the 
enemy. In this affair, Captain Spottiswoode and Cornet New- 
berry, of the lancers, were killed; and Captain Hardy and 
Lieutenant F. Lock severely wounded. The officer command- 
ing the regiment, Colonel Penny, died the following night from 
the effects of a fall from his horse during a charge. Further 
attempt to regain the guns being useless, the lancers retired 
from the cantonment, taking with them the European officers 
and families belonging to the revolted regiments, whom they 
safely escorted, first to Ajmeer, and, subsequently, to the camp 
of Colonel Dixon at Beawur. The mutineers remained in pos- 
session of the station until midnight of the 28th, when, after 
plundering the treasury, and firing some bungalows, they march- 
ed off in the direction of Delhi, with their arms and ammuni- 
tion. It appears they were not long in making their way to the 
ca]ntal, although their passage was greatly impeded by the guns 
they had carried ofl", and which they were finally compelled to 
abandon in the deep sandy plains on their route. Captain Nix- 
on, who held Muttra on the Jumna, having received intelligence 
of the mutiny and desertion, determined to intercept the rebel 
for^e on its way to Delhi, with the Bhurtpore contingent under 
his command. His troops advanced for three marches, and then 
they also mutinied, forcing Captain Nixon and Captain Muubee 
33 



386 BRITISHINDIA. 

to flee for their lives into Bhurtpore. An attempt to biing the 
Malwa contingent against the mutinous sepoys on their way 
from Nusseerabad was attended with similar results ; and the 
two regiments, with the artillerymen belonging to the abandon- 
ed guns, were thus enabled lo swell the ranks of the rebel army 
at Delhi. 

• After the departure of the mutinous troops, on the night of 
the 28th of May, Nusseerabad appears to have escaped further 
annoyance. 

An attempt at insurrection at Agra, on the 30th of May, 
was promptly put down, and two regiments, the 44th and 6Tth 
of sepoy infantry, were disarmed and disbanded on the next day. 
The disbanded troops went off and joined the rebels at Delhi 

Meantime some rumors of danger had prevailed at Bareilly 
Gn Sunday, May 31st, the day opened upon the cantonment at 
Bareilly peacefully, and nothing seemed moving to disturb the 
usual arrangements of the day. Divine service was performed 
at the church, and there was a large and serious attendance of 
worshipers. The native officers reported all quiet and satis.- 
factory, and assured the colonel commanding that the men were 
" never in better heart." The form of examining and closing 
muster-rolls and pay accounts was carefully and deliberatelj 
gone through ; leave-rolls were prepared and countersigned ; 
and the whole routine of a Sunday in cantonment regularly ob^ 
served ; and so cleverly was the mischief vailed, that not one 
regimental officer had the slightest suspicion that it was so near 
consummation. 

Precisely as the clock struck the hour of eleven, a gun was 
fired, and a loud and long-continued yell from the lines broke 
the repose of the Christian sabbath. The men rushed to the 
bells of arms, and began to fire indiscriminately among ths 
officers' houses. Some of the well-disposed hastened to their 
officers, and besought them to fly, and by no nieans to approach 
the parade, where the mutineers were then assembling. Mean- 
while, others were running frantically in every direction, firing 
at every thing and everybody that came in their way ; and before 
several of the officers knew what had really occurred, their houses 



THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. . 38T 

were surrounded, and themselves had become targets for their 
own men. 

While these incidents were progressing, repeated discharges 
of musketry and artillery announced to the inhabitants of Bareilly 
that rebellion had arrived at their own thresholds. Soon after 
the commencement of the outbreak, the gaol was attacked by 
the mutinous soldiers and budmashes of the town, and nearly 
3,000 prisoners, of all grades, were let loose upon society. 
Many of these individuals began to plunder the shops, and 
maltreated all who offered to resist them. Irritated at this, the 
townspeople took up arms, and, aft-er a little time, a regular 
fight ensued between the Hindoos and the Mohammedans, in 
which the latter were victorious, and at once took the command 
of the place, under the leadership of Buktawur Khan, a subah- 
dar of artillery, who assumed the rank of general ; and, having 
harangued the people on their duties to the government about 
to be established, paraded the streets in a brigadier's carriage, 
followed by a numerous, if not a brilliant stafif. One of the na- 
tive judges in the Company's service, named Khan Bahadoor 
Khan, a descendant from a Rohilla chief ( Hafiz Rehmut ), and 
notorious for his abject servility to the Europeans generally, had 
now the audacity to cause himself to be proclaimed King of 
Rohilcund ; and inaugurated his reign by a series of cowardly 
murders, perpetrated upon the unfortunate English residents who 
had not succeeded in making their escape. 

At Seetapore (a military station, in the territory of the Gwa- 
lior rajah), awing of the 41st native infantry, the 9th and lOtb 
Oude irregular infantry, and the 2d regiment of Oude military 
police, comprising altogether about 3,000 men, were in canton- 
ments ; and, up to the beginning of June, nothing had occurred 
in the behavior of the troops to excite apprehension of theii 
loyalty, although, as it subsequently proved, a mischievous in- 
fluence had for some time been actively employed to seduce them 
from their allegiance. During the morning of Tuesday, the 2d 
of June, a sepoy orderly communicated to Lieutenant-colonel 
Birch, of the 41st regiment, that the men were disaffected, and 
that a mutinous outbreak was at hand ; but that they had re- 



388 BRITISH INDIA. 

solved not to injure their officers if the latter would leave th« 
cantonment and town quietly. By some extraordinary fatuity 
this timely information was disregarded, and no preparations 
were made in anticipation of the possible revolt, beyond order- 
ing the European officers attached to the native regiments to 
remain with their respective companies. On the 3d, the out- 
break commenced by the men of the 41st regiment assembling 
on parade with their arms and ammunition, and thence proceed- 
ing to the residence of their colonel; who, on refusing to de- 
liver over to them the treasure under his charge, they immedi- 
ately shot, with one of their three lieutenants and the sergeant- 
major. The men of the 9th irregulars had not been idle spec- 
tators of the movement of their rebellious 'comrades, and they 
also broke into open mutiny ; emulating the former in their 
work of blood by shooting their commanding officer, doctor, and 
sergeant-major. While these events were in progress, the 10th 
regiment was marched out to protect the civilians, having the 
military police drawn up on the left of their position for the 
same object. After a very brief interval of inaction, the men 
of the police force suddenly mutinied, and commenced firing 
npon the civilians who happened to be gazing at the unusual 
military demonstration. For some minutes the 10th exhibited 
a disposition to stand true to their duty and their colors ; but 
upon the approach of the 9th and 41st regiments, they also left 
their ranks and joined the mutinous host. The men of the 1 0th 
did not, however, imitate the others in wreaking their vengeance 
upon their officers ; one of whom. Lieutenant and Adjutant 
Barnes, describing the events of the morning, says — '* I was 
standing in front of the centre of the left wing, exhorting the 
men to be faithful to their salt, and to the colors they had so 
lately and so sacredly sworn to defend. They listened with the 
utmost respect, and evinced no signs whatever of disobedience 
nntil the 41st and 9th came within eighty yards ; when the light 
company broke their ranks, and seizing me, took me to the rear, 
begging of me to run and save myself, as they wished me no 
harm. Seeing my commanding officer and second in command 
going away, I followed with a heavy heart, little caring what 



THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 389 

became of me, and not taking ranch notice of the volleys the 
troops w»re treating us to." — The disorder now became gen- 
eral ; a portion of the rebellious soldiery had already com- 
menced shooting the inhabitants and plundering the town, 
while others had taken possession of the treasury, and were now 
occupied in firing the bungalows and lines of the cantonments. 
A few sepoys still, however, continued faithful, and earnestly be- 
sought the surviving officers to escape, and so avert the other- 
wise inevitable destruction of their families ; as, in the event of 
their falling, the women and children would be without a chance 
of protection. Finding it useless to contend with the circum- 
stances by which they were surrounded, it was at length deter- 
mined to follow the advice of the sepoys ; by whose assistance, 
eventually, twelve of the officers, with six ladies and several 
children, and some families of Europeans in the civil service 
(numbering altogether about fifty persons), managed to quit 
the place, under the protection of twenty soldiers, by whom the 
party was safely conducted to Lucknow. Throughout the jour- 
ney of fifty miles they were compelled to avoid the public roads, 
and to cross ravines and broken ground, that under other cir- 
cumstances would have been considered impossible for ordinary 
travelers. Their flight was soon discovered, and a pursuit com- 
menced ; but by taking the unusual route selected by their pro- 
tectors, the fugitives were enabled to keep sufficiently in advance 
of their pursuers to avoid personal harm, although upon one 
occasion, in which they had halted for an hour, they were nearly 
overtaken. The time occupied in this doubly hazardous flight 
extended over two days and a night, during the whole of which 
period they were without shelter, and but scantily provided with 
food. The outbreak at Seetapore was consummated by a mas- 
sacre of about sixty of the European and Christian inhabitants 
of the town, and the partial destruction of the place itself. The 
cantonments were utterly destroyed by fire ; and the Europeans 
who had saved themselves by timely flight, escaped with only 
the clothing they had upon them at the moment of their de- 
p'trture. 

Cotemporaneous with the events at Seetapore, the military 
33* 



^90 BRITISH INDIA. 

Btations at Hansi and Hissar, situated about eighty-seven miles 
to the north-west of Delhi, were also the scenes of njilitarj re- 
volt and unprovoked massacre. The troops at these adjacent 
stations consisted of a battalion of the Harreana light infantry, 
and the 4th regiment of irregular cavalry, who appear to have 
been excited to mutiny by some troopers that arrived at Hissar 
from Delhi ; and, after a short parley, succeeded in persuading 
the men to rise and destroy " all the young and old of English 
parentap/,." The determination, once formed, was promptly 
carried into execution ; and, of the whole European population 
at the F^ation, only twenty-three grown persons, and twelve chil- 
dren, ercaped a violent death at the hands of their ferocious 
assailants. 

Following the course of events as closely as possible in chro- 
nological order, we now come to the outbreak by the 17th na- 
tive infantry at Azimgurh, the capital of a district in the province 
of Allahabad, about fifj;y-six miles north-east of Benares. The 
circumstances under which this mutiny and revolt were devel- 
oped, appear to have been as follow : — On the morning of 
Wednesday, the 3d of June, an escort party of fifty troopers of 
the 13th irregular cavalry arrived at the station with treasure, 
amounting to seven and a half lacs, from Goruckpore, en route 
to Benares, at which place the presence of the queen's 10th 
regiment was considered a necessary guarantee for its safety. 
The agitation that had prevailed in the adjacent districts had 
induced the authorities at Azimgurh to adopt some precaution- 
ary measures in respect to the defenses of the piace, and they 
were at this time occupied in throwing up a breastwork round 
the Cutcherry and public offices, in case it should be necessary 
for the safety of the European families to seek protection from 
the probable effects of a popular tumult, which would inevitably 
follow any mutinous demonstration on the part of the native 
soldiers : the necessary operations for strengthening the position 
had, therefore, been commenced, but were not yet completed. 
After the usual halt of a few hours, the escort with the treasure 
resumed the march for Benares about six in the evening, at 
whi^h time nothing unusual was observed in the conduct of the 



THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 391 

men of the ITth regiment, who were then in the Gantonments. 
The place wore its accustomed aspect until about nine o'clock, 
when extraordinary agitation was apparent in the native lines, 
followed by violent shouts and firing of musketry. It was then 
ascertained that the troops had broken out into open mutiny ; 
and having forcibly possessed themselves of their weapons, they 
had commenced a murderous attack upon some of their non- 
commissioned officers, two of whom, the havildar-major and 
quartermaster-sergeant, were sacrificed to their fury. The offi- 
cer on guard at the Cutcherry, hearing the tumult, and having, 
as he believed, a body of trusty men on duty, ordered them to 
fall in, and at the same time directed the golundauzes to get 
ready the guns for service. The men at once, and unanimously, 
refused to obey orders, and told the officer they would neither 
themselves fire, or allow others to fire upon their comrades, if 
the latter came toward them. At the same time they declared 
it was not their intention to injure the officers or their ladies, 
unless provoked to do so by useless opposition ; and that they 
were all at liberty to leave the place if they chose to do so. 
They further stated that they required the guns for the pursuit 
of the treasure, which had already got more than three hours' 
start, and which they intended to secure for themselves. Re- 
monstrance was of course unavailing under the circumstances ; 
and as the mutineers had already begun to fire the bungalows 
and plunder the unfortunate inhabitants, further stay in the town 
was merely inviting peril that could be avoided ; and, conse- 
quently, the officers and their families, with several European 
residents belonging to the civil service (numbering altogether 
nearly one hundred persons, including children), sought safety 
in flight. During the hasty preparations for this exodus, some 
men of the 17 th regiment took Major Burroughes, their com- 
manding officer, under their protection, and escorted him a con- 
siderable distance on the road to Ghazepore, treating him on 
the way with their accustomed respect^ and at length leaving 
bira in a position that ensured his safety. Another party of the 
mutineers, with two guns, started off in pursuit of the treasure, 
with wiich they came up ; and after a feeble show of Tesistanco 



392 BRITISH INDIA. 

on the part of the troopers having charge of it, the whole party 
joined and retraced their way to Azimgurh. 

During their absence the work of destruction had been rapidly 
progressing. The sepoys left behind had occupied themselves 
by plundering the treasury and firing the bungalows of the ofli- 
ccrs in cantonment ; but upon the arrival of the villagers and 
budmashes of the adjoining district, the whole town was given 
up to pillage, and every inhabitant suspected of favormg the 
Europeans was subjected to brutal violence. The kotwa4 of the 
police was one of the earliest to fall beneath the blows of the 
excited rabble, who fired the houses, and wantonly destroyed 
the furniture that was useless to themselves. The prison was 
opened, and 800 offenders of various degrees of crime were let 
loose to swell the ranks of the plunderers, who, when there was 
DO longer private property to '* loot," destroyed the public gar- 
dens and baths, and efTectually dismantled the whole place. The 
orgies of the night and following day were brought to an end 
amidst a scene of utter and hopeless desolation. 

At Neemuch — a cantonment 155 miles north-west of Mhow, 
and situated between Malwaand Newar, on the frontier of llaj- 
pootana — the hydra of revolt raised one of its fearful heads al- 
so on the 3d of June, under circumstances of extraordinary in- 
terest. The station had been for some time denuded of its 
proper garrison of Bombay troops, whose place had been sup- 
plied by the 7 2d Bengal native infantry, the 4th troop, 1st 
battalion horse artillery from Agra, and a wing of the Bengal 
light cavalry from Mhow. The elements of mischief were 
therefore concentrated in dangerous abundance ; and the effect 
of the arrangement may be traced in the following details. 

The massacres at Meerut and at Delhi were known at Nee- 
much very soon after their occurrence ; and with the natural reli- 
ance upon the resources and energies of the government, the 
inhabitants of that place were looking anxiously for the nevvs that 
should announce the restoration of the Monghol capital to its 
Biitish rulers. Day by day, the excitement produced by unsat- 
isfied expectation and feverish anxiety grew more oppressive ; 
yet the desired intelligence came not. During the feast of the 



THE EUROPEAN PERIOD 393 

Eed, the Mussulmans congregated in formidable numbers, and 
the whole week passed in disquietude, the people of the bazaars 
leaving the town in shoals, and every species of carriage being 
engaged in conveying the timid inhabitants to the shelter of the 
adjoining villages, for safety from some anticipated yet unde- 
fined danger. All sorts of reports were in circulation ; and 
the panic was complete, notwithstanding the efforts of Brigadier 
Abbott and Captain Lloyd, in command of the troops, to re- 
store confidence. An unusual and offensive demeanor by the 
sepoys, whose manners had suddenly changed from a respect 
bordering upon servility, to that of bold, saucy indifference, too 
plainly showed that the cords of discipline had become relaxed, 
and that the influence of the ofiQcers over their men had been 
dangerously shaken. Thus matters had continued for some days, 
when at length the expected crisis was precipitated by some 
mischievous fellows declaring aloud in the bazaar, that the Ghore 
log — i. e., European soldiers — were coming to attack them. 
The report occasioned a rush of people into the cantonments ; 
and the sepoys, in wild excitement, tore open the bells of arms, 
and took possession of their weapons and ammunition. Colonel 
Abbott repaired as quickly as possible to the lines of the 72d 
(his own regiment), hoping by his presence, and the influence 
he then possessed over his men, to avert the impending catas- 
trophe. Fortunately he reached the lines before a shot had 
been fired, and for the moment succeeded in calming the excite- 
ment of the troops. At this moment, some sepoys of the 7th 
regiment of the Gwalior contingent, then stationed in the fort^ 
manned the ramparts, and the sowars of the light cavalry prC' 
pared to mount at the command of a leader they had themselves 
chosen. The terror of the natives in the bazaar had now become 
excessive ; and a report that a mutin )us outbreak would occur 
at midnight, did not serve to allay it. On the night of the 30th 
of May, it was arranged by Colonel Abbott, that the officers 
of each corps should occupy tents in their respective lines among 
the men, himself saying to the 7 2d — "You are so foolish and 
childlike in believing every absurd report, that I must treat you 
as my children, and come and live among you." This precaU' 



394 BRITISH INDIA. 

tion probably restrained the troops from breaking out that night, 
as the several corps had no time or opportunity to effect a use- 
ful combination for their purposes under the eyes of their ofi& 
cers ; while the gallant conduct of the colonel, in unreservedly 
placing himself in the hands of his men, bad for the moment a 
beneficial effect upon their temper. Some of the native officers 
entreated of him to have a sentry over his tent ; but in the gen- 
erous confidence of his brave heart, he answared, " I want none I 
I am among my own men, and I have already a thousand guards. 
I don't doubt a single man." This reliance upon their fidelity 
visibly affected the men ; but evil influences were at work among 
them, and their better feelings speedily vanished. On Sunday 
morning, the 3 1st of May, service was performed as usual ia 
the little church of the garrison ; and there were many who 
offered up prayers for safety, with a preseutiment that it would 
be the last time the congregation there assembled would meet 
together in an earthly temple. The day passed gloomily ; a 
heavy feeling seemed to oppress every heart, and to check every 
effort that would divert the mind from a thought of impending 
danger. Shortly before midnight the dak arrived, and letters 
announced the outbreak at Nusseerabad and other places. On 
Monday, June 1st, the excitement continued ; the bazaar was 
almost deserted, and deathlike stillness cast a chill upon the 
senses. Towards night the golundauzes, on the pretext that the 
other troops were about to attack them, tumultuously demanded 
to have the wagons stored with ammunition ; but Lieutenant 
Walker, their commander, succeeded in prevailing upon them 
to refrain from their purpose until he had reported their desire 
to Colonel Abbott ; who, as a last resource, assembled the na- 
tive officers and harangued them ; and, after a long conference, 
the pundits were called in, and a solemn swearing by the officers, 
to exert their best influence with the men, took place ; the colo- 
nel likewise solemnly affirming that the government had no 
intention to force the cartridges upon, or to interfere with, the 
religious prejudices of any sepoy. It should be observed, that 
the objectionable cartridges had never been issued to the troops 
at Neemuch; so that, in fact, no real grievance could have been 



THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. S95 

felt upon that score. Tuesday passed over without additional 
cause for uneasiness ; and a few people returned to their usual 
occupation in the bazaar, and remained until the evening of tlie 
following day^ when a panic again seized them, and they fled 
from the gathering storm. Three companies of the *7th infantry 
(Gwalior contingent) were at this time quartered in the fort, 
under the command of Captain Macdonald ; the remaining five 
companies being stationed in a vacant hospital, about a quarter 
of a mile distant. The whole of Wednesday had passed quietly 
until towards nightfall, when the bazaar people again began 
to exhibit alarm and desert the place ; no movement was, how- 
ever, observed among the troops, and it was hoped that the ap- 
prehensions of the people were groundless. Matters continued 
thus until shortly after eleven o'clock, when the quiet of the 
night was disturbed by the report of a gun from the artillery 
lines — speedily followed by a second. This had been evidently 
a preconcerted signal for the commencement of the outbreak, 
and in an incredibly short time the bungalows were in flames in 
every direction. Lieutenant Gordon, who was with the left wing 
of the tth Gwalior regiment at the hospital, on hearing the guns, 
immediately turned out his men, and, with Lieutenant Rose,, 
marched with them to join the companies in the fort. On the 
way, the latter officer had a narrow escape from the shot of one 
of the sepoys aimed at him, but fortunately incorrectly. Upon 
the arrival of the party at the fort, the whole of the men were 
placed along the ramparts, and ammunition having been served 
out to them, they were commanded to load, and obeyed orders 
with apparent cheerfulness, loudly and unanimously swearing 
to defend the place with their lives. This had scarcely been 
effected, when the 72d native infantry, with the Bengal cavalry 
and artillery, in a state of tumultuous disorder, approached the 
fort from the cantonments, passing in their way the residence of 
the political agent, about 300 yards distant, when two more guns 
were fired — the signal, apparently, for the Gwalior troops to 
commence operations, which they immediately obeyed. Ensign 
Davenport, the officer in charge of the gate, was overpowered ; 
and, in defiance of his orders, the gate was opened, and himself 



396 



BRITISH INDIA. 



and the other European officers were desired to leave the place. 
Remonstrance was useless ; and upon the ensign hesitating to 
leave without the colors of the regiment, he was informed, that 
if himself and his companions were not immediately off, they 
would be murdered by the sowars, who were then almost within 
view of the gate. These officers fortunately, availed themselves 
of the opportunity, and escaped Not so, however many of the 
European residents, who fell a sacrifice to the savage fury of the 
mutinous soldiers, who, having joined at once, proceeded to lib- 
erate the prisoners confined in the gaol, and then commenced 
firing and pillaging the town, and murdering the obnoxious Eu- 
ropeans, without regard to sex or age. Fires were raging in all 
directions, and the streets were strewn with valuable furniture, 
glass, books, musical instruments, and whatever else could be 
found belonging to the European or Christian inhabitants of the 
place, who were themselves shot down, or hacked to pieces 
without mercy. Throughout the whole station only one bunga- 
low was left standing ; and the rebellious sepoys having sated 
themselves with the destruction of the place, quitted the scene 
of havoc and proceeded to join their faithless comrades at 
Delhi. 




)r^^l 




(398) 




CHAPTER XYIII. 

OUTBREAK AT BENARES SUPPRESSED BY COLONEL NEILL. — MU- 
TINY AT JUANPORE AND SULTANPORE. 



The result of the outbreak at Azimgurh had the effect of 
scattering a portion of the mutinous soldiers from that station 
in the direction of Benares ; and, then, for the first time, ap- 
prehensions began to be entertained as to the fidelity of the 
37th regiment. 

It happened opportunely that on Wednesday, the 3d in- 
stant, Colonel Neill, of the 1st Madras fusiliers, had arrived at 
Benares with a detachment of his regiment, accompanied by 
twenty gunners with three nine-pounders. The garrison, thus 
reinforced, consisted of 150 men of the queen's 10th regiment, 
the 37th native infantry, a Sikh regiment, commanded by 
Colonel Gordon ; about seventy men of the 13th irregular cav- 
alry, under Captain Guise; a battery of nine-pounders, with 
thirty gunners, and Colonel Neill's fusiliers. 

Upon the unsatisfactory state of the 37th regiment being re- 
ported to Colonel Neill, he resolved upon disarming it without 
further delay, in opposition to the plan of Brigadier Ponsonby, 

(899) 



400 BRITISH INDIA. 

who desired to postpone the operation until tht following 
morning. The colonel was, however, inflexible ; and ulti- 
mately a parade of the European force, with the Madras fusil- 
iers, was ordered at five o'clock in the evening of tlie 4th ; the. 
37th regiment being required to appear on the ground without 
arms. Simultaneously with the promulgation of this order, 
the bells of arms were secured ; and this operation being ob- 
served by the disaffected men, added grea il^; to the excitement 
already prevailing among them. 

At live o'clock the troops were paraded. A few men of the 
3Yth had obeyed the order to appear without arras ; others re- 
fused to do so, and some confusion necessarily arose from the 
insubordination that prevailed on the ground. Meanwhile the 
greater part of the regiment which had not turned out, gath^ 
ered round the bells of arms ; and as soon as they became aware 
of the object for which the European force was paraded, they 
burst open the doors and seized their weapons, with which they 
now repaired to the parade and joined their comrades, who had 
remained standing in groups, without making any other offen- 
sive demonstration. With a view of intimidating the dis- 
affected men, the whole of the troops, including the Sikhs and 
irregulars, had been drawn up in front of the position left va- 
cant for the 3*7th regiment, with three guns ready shotted and 
prepared for instant service. In the arrangement of the forces, 
the Europeans were stationed within musket-range, the Sikhs 
and irregulars being at the extreme verge of the ground. 

On noticing these preparations, the men of the 37th found 
the time for action had arrived, and they immediately opened 
fire upon their ofi&cers and the European troops, at the same 
time retiring toward their lines. For a time the Sikh regi- 
ment remained passive spectators of the outrage ; but upon 
their colonel giving the order to load with ball, an ominous 
change came over the men. At the same moment, the irregu- 
lar cavalry advanced, but presently broke into confusion. The 
Sikhs now joined the 37th in firing upon the Europeans ; 
several officers were wounded, and two men of the 10th regi- 
ment killed. The guns immediately poured a shower of grape 



THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 401 

^nto the ranks of the mutineers ; and after a faint attempt at 
resistance, the 37th broke away from their position, followed by 
the greater portion of the irregular cavalry, and sought safety 
behind the huts of the cantonments. At the commencement, 
Captain Guise, of the irregulars, was shot at by a rebel sepoy 
of iie 37th regiment, whom he pursued ; and his horse fauing, 
the assassin had time to reload and fire before the unfortunate 
ifficd' could extricate himself. The second shot was aimed 
with precision, and Captain Guise fell to the ground a corpse. 
Several of the mutineers halted in their flight to look upon their 
murdered leader ; but no indignities were offered to his re- 
mains. The sepoys still kept up a smart fire upon the little 
body of Europeans, who, as they advanced to dislodge them 
from the huts, labored under the disadvantage of having to 
deal with an enemy effectually sheltered. The European 
officers of the 37th regiment took post with the 10th, and 
were exposed to a smart fire from their own men, which con- 
tinued for some twenty minutes, when, as the British soldiers 
began to drop rather fast, the order was given to charge the 
huts. The operation was speedily performed ; and the muti- 
neers having been driven from their shelter, the whole of the 
buildings were set fire to and destroyed. While these matters 
were in progress, the irregular ca ralry and Sikhs became be- 
wildered, and began fighting at random. Three times the 
latter charged the guns, and were repulsed with considerable 
loss; above one hundred of the muwneers were killed upon the 
ground, and more than twice that rumber lay wounded. The 
lives of the civilians and of the officers' families in cantonments, 
were saved through the instrumentality of a Sikh priscnei, 
Soorut Sing, who prevailed upon the Sikhs of the treasury 
guard to remain tranquil, after they were informed of the con- 
duct of their comrades on the parad-e. At a late hour in the 
evening, the ladies were conveyed to the Mint, a fortified house 
between the city and the cantonments, where they could be 
effectually protected. The transit was not, however, unaccom- 
panied by danger, the pi "ty being repeatedly fired at on the 
way by straggling partie of tho irregulars, some of whom 
34* 



402 BRITISH INDIA. 

managed to send three balls through the turban of a native 
coachman, while conveying ladies to the rendezvous ; fortu- 
nately, both the driver and his charge escaped unhurt. 
Upon the restoration of order, a handsome subscription wa* 
raised among the European families, for the purpose of pre- 
senting Soorut Sing with a splendid case of firearms, in ac- 
knowledgment of his generous and timely protection. 

Disheartened by the severe punishment they met with at 
Benares, the mutineers of the 3tth regiment hastened toward 
Juanpore, a town situated about forty miles north-west of the 
former city, and formerly the capital of an independent state. 
Upon receiving intelligence of their approach, the European 
residents assembled at the Cutcherry, or office of the collector, 
and proceeded to make preparations for their safety and de- 
fense. On appealing to the soldiers upon guard at the collec- 
torate, the latter, formed of a company of Sikhs, were loud in 
their protestations of loyalty, and swore to defend the Sahib 
loge (English gentlemen) to the last drop of their blood. A 
few seconds proved the utter wortblessness of their oaths ; for 
as the Europeans turned from them to enter the building, one 
of the men took deliberate aim at Lieutenant Mard, command- 
ing the guard, and shot him in the back f The unfortunate 
officer fell into the arms of a gentleman near him, who suc- 
ceeded in carrying him into one of the apartments, and laid 
him upon the floor writhing with agony. Satisfied for the mo- 
ment with this their first act of perfidy, the traitors fired a 
volley over the heads of the terrified dependants on their mercy, 
and then, without further violence, went off to plunder the 
treasury, that they might share its contents among themselves 
before the arrival of the mutineers from Benares. On their 
way to the treasury, the rebel band passed the gaol, where 
they met the civil magistrate, a Mr. Cup page, who attempted 
to remonstrate with them upon the folly of their proceedings, 
not being aware of the murder they had so recently perpetrated. 
Impatient at his interference, the excitement of the mutineers 
was at once directed against the magistrate, whom they shot 
while yet speaking to them ; and, leaving the corpse to the 



THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 405 

znercy of the budraashes and rabble of the town, hastened to 
accomplish the work of plunder. Meanwhile, the Europeans 
at the Cutcherry, relieved of their presence, availed themselves 
of the opportunity to escape ; and, risking the uncertain perils 
of the road rather than the certain destruction that awaited 
them on the return of the mutineers, fled, in such conveyances 
as they could procure at the moment, to ZjuJBferabad, on the 
Ganges, in the direction of Benares, where they sought refuge 
and conveyance by the native boats. 

Resuming the continuous thread of events associated with 
the revolt in the northwest division of the presidency of Ben- 
gal, w*e arrive at Sultanpore, a town of minor importance in 
the Oude territory, situate about thirty-four miles south of the 
ancient city of Ayoda, or Oudee. At this place, the troops, 
consisting of a portion of the 13th Bengal irregular cavalry 
and native police, had mutinied early in the morning of TueS' 
day, the 9th of June, and their first act of blood was the mur- 
der of Colonel Fisher and Captain Gibbings, of the 15th ir* 
regular cavalry, the first of whom was shot by some of the 
native police while out walking, unconscious of the danger that 
surrounded him. Messrs. Block and Strogan, of the civil ser- 
vice, w^ere also killed by the mutineers shortly after the com- 
mencement of the revolt ; but the rest of the European resi- 
dents, amounting to forty-five men, women, and children, were 
enabled to efi'ect their escape to Bela, a town about forty-five 
miles W. N. W. of Cawnpore, where a troop of the 3d irregu- 
lar cavalry, under Lieutenant Grant, had proceeded some days 
previous from Sultanpore, for the purpose of collecting revenue. 
From this station they were, after some difficulty, forwarded to 
Allahabad, vvhich they at length reached in safety, but with 
the loss of every thing they possessed of value, of which they 
were mercilessly deprived by marauding parties whom they 
met with on their route. 

At Allahabad some uneasiness had been felt ; but the sepoys 
professed great loyalty, and desired to assist in the siege of 
Delhi. They were then meditating a revolt. At half-past 
nine in the evening of the 5th of June, while the officers were 



406 BRITISH INDIA. 

yet assembled in Jie mess-room, a bugler of the 6th regiment 
sounded the assembly. The officers, imagining some disturb- 
ance had taken place in the bazaar or the neighborhood, rushed 
out of the house, and the foremost of them was instantly shot 
down. One or two of the others contrived to escape to the 
fort ; but five officers of the 6th regiment, and several young 
ensigns doing duty with that corps, were inhumanly mas- 
sacred. The moment the bugle sounded, the sepoys, who were 
already prepared, seized the remaining guns, and fired at the 
artillery officer who attempted to resist them. In the mean- 
while, the signal had been understood by the sepoys at the 
bridge, and the officers with them were hustled and insulted. 
Several shots glanced by or passed over them ; but they were 
finally permitted to escape from the mutineers. Lieutenant 
Alexander, on hearing the tumult, immediately proceeded in 
the direction of it, to ascertain the cause ; but as he galloped 
along, at the head of a few of his troopers, a sepoy sprang 
from some hiding-place, and shot him through the heart. His 
death was sudden ; and it was merciful when compared with 
the barbarities practiced upon the persons of several of his 
gallant but unfortunate brother-officers. Captain Harwood, 
of the artillery, finding it useless to contend alone with a host 
of infuriated mutineers, took opportunity to escape in the con- 
fusion, and reached the fori in time to put the inmates upon 
their guard. The first step taken by the officer in command 
was to disarm the men of the 6th regiment, who had charge of 
the principal gate ; and their muskets were found ready capped 
and loaded, in readiness for the first summons from the canton- 
ments. These men were then turned out of the fort, as it was 
impossible to feel secure with them at large, and there were 
not sufficient Europeans that could be spared to guard them if 
retained in the fort. Tiiey lost no time in joining their com- 
rades ; and having liberated about 3,000 prisoners from con- 
finement in the gaol, the whole body distributed itself through 
the town and cantonments, and the work of plunder and de- 
struction commenced in every direction. Captain Birch, the 
fort adjutant, and Lieutenant Lines, executive engineer, who 



THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. . 407 

were, as already mentioned, outside the fort at the time, wero 
both shot down. An officer of the 6th was pinned to the 
ground with bayonets, and, while yet alive, a fire was kindled 
on his body. Three others escaped to the fort by swimming 
across the Ganges, and succeeded in obtaining refuge before 
their pursuers came up with them. Several of the Europeans 
who had a few days previously taken refuge in the fort, hap- 
pened, at the moment of the outbreak, to be outside, on ac- 
count of the excessive heat and overcrowding of the place, and 
their reliance upon the friendly assurances of the sepoys on 
guard ; and they were slaughtered without mercy by some of 
the very men who had encouraged them to rely upon their 
good feeling and that of their comrades. Of these poor crea 
cures, several were barbarously tortured before death released 
them from the fiendish malignity of their unprovoked tor- 
mentors. One family, consisting of three generations, was 
burned alive ; and not a single individual, old or young — the 
hoary grandsire, or the prattling babe in its mother's arms — 
was permitted to escape. Some of the defenseless creatures 
were cut to pieces by slow degrees, and with a refinement of 
cruelty that might have been envied by the grand inquisitor of 
the Indies in the palmiest days of Portuguese dominion 
in that country ; the nose, ears, lips, fingers, and toes of both 
men and women, were slowly and deliberately chopped ofl*, and 
then the limbs and bodies were hacked, until the loss of blood 
prevented the sufferers from affording further sport to the 
butchers by their convulsive agonies, and piteous but unavail- 
ing appeals for mercy. Infants were actually torn from their 
mothers' arms, and their little limbs chopped off with tulwars 
yet reeking with their fathers' blood ; while the shrieking 
mother was forcibly compelled to hear the cries of her tortured 
child, and to behold, through scalding tears of agony, the 
death-writhings of the slaughtered innocent. More than fifty 
Europeans perished in the first outburst of this demoniac fury ; 
and to many of the females, a merciless death was even tho 
least of the cruelties they were subjected to by the gallant 



408 BRITISH INDIA. 

sepoys of tlie 6tli regiment, recently complimented by the 
Government for their professions of loyalty and devotion. 

In this ontbieak at Allahabad, the miscreants did not con- 
fine their outrages altogether to the European community. 
As soon as they had obtained possession of the guns outside 
the fort, they commenced firing into the town at random. The 
houses of several of the w^ealthy natives were broken into and 
plundered, and afterward set fire to ; the banking-houses were 
ransacked, and shops were emptied of their stores ; while in 
the bungalows occupied by the European residents, the de- 
struction was wanton and universal. Furniture was broken 
into fragments, glass and crockery utterly smashed, wearing 
apparel hacked and cut to pieces, and even the canvas of the 
punkahs cut into shreds, to mark their uncontrollable hatred 
of the people who had lived among them as friends, and whose 
" salt" they were eating up to the hour of their treason being 
consummated by rapine and murder. 

On the 9th of June, Colonel Neill marched with a strong 
force, chiefly assembled on the road from Benares, and con- 
sisting of regulars and Sikhs, and speedily drove the mutineers 
from Allahabad, and re-established tranquillity in that place. 

When the insurrection broke forth at Delhi, Allahabad, like 
that city, was without a single European soldier within its gar- 
rison, if we except the few officers attached to the native regi- 
ments. It possessed a valuable arsenal, and a fort, situated in 
a position of the greatest possible military value and importance. 
It is true, when the revolt had broken out, efl'orts were made in 
Calcutta to forward troops without delay, to meet the pressing 
exigencies of Benares, Allahabad, and Cawnpore ; but, as the 
first reinforcements of Europeans arrived at the former place, 
they were sent forward by the commissioner to supply the sup- 
posed yet greater need of Cawnpore ; and at length about 300 
European troops arrived there. Allahabad, supposed to be yet 
strong in the ostentatiously paraded loyalty of the 6th native 
regiment, had also for its protection about 400 men of a Sikh 
regiment from Ferozepore, and some irregular cavalry from 
Oude. Of the hollow ground upon which its safety rested, w^e 



THE EUROPEAN PERIOD 40«< 

have ample proof in the detestable treachery of the 6th, and the 
unfaithfulness of the sowars. But for the opportune arrival of 
Colonel Neill, and the promptitude and determination of Lieu- 
tenant Brasyer of the Sikh regiment, there is little doubt but 
the garrison and residents in the fort would have been sacrificed 
to the insane vengeance of the mutinous sepoys. By the energy 
of this subaltern officer, the volunteers in the fort were assem- 
bled, armed with rifles and revolvers. The order was given to 
the men to pile arms ; the sepoys hesitated ; two guns which 
were in readiness were pointed at them, and then, at the most 
critical moment, the Sikhs, distracted and excited by the firing 
outside the fort, faltered, and their ranks wavered I But Bras- 
yer stood firm ; the order to fire was upon his lips, when provi- 
dentially, two or three of the sepoys threw down their arms, 
and the Sikhs, instantly recovering themselves,^ began at once to 
disarm and strip the remainder of the guard. The crisis oc- 
cupied but a few minutes j but at that crisis Allahabad was 
saved I 

Had ill success befallen Lieutenant Brasyer at this eventful 
moment, the result to government would have been most calami- 
tous. The fort at Allahabad, in the hands of the 6th regiment, 
would have become the rendezvous and stronghold of all the 
revolted troops in that part of India, and its subjugation would 
have been the necessary, but very difficult and hazardous, pre- 
liminary to any further operations in the Doab. Its preservation 
was, in fact, a most important and providential triumph for the 
British arms ; and, at the time, tended more than any thing else 
to diffuse alarm, and a sense of insecurity, among the disafi'ected 
populations of the surrounding districts ; while it also formed 
the basis on which to construct further measures for the pro 
gressive restoration of European ascendancy throughout India. 
36 




CHAPTER XIX. 

TB15 ^A kN&IE MUTTNTf— seizure OF THE STAR FORT BY THE 12tH 
NATIVE INFANTJElY APPEAL TO THE LOYALTY OF THE REGI- 
MENT—PROTESTATIONS OF FIDELITY AND ATTACHMENT— MUR- 
DER OP CAPTAIN DUNLOP — THE EUROPEANS RETIRE TO THE 
TOWN FORT— DEATH OF CAPTAIN GORDON — THE FORT SURROUND- 
ED BY MUTIISEERS — UNSUCCESSFUL ATTEMPTS TO ESCAPE — 
OFFERS OF PROTECTION ON SURRENDER — THE EUROPEANS LEAVE 
THE FORT AND ARE MASSACRED. 



Following a chronological succession of the mutinous out- 
breaks it is the object of these pages to record, attention must 
now be directed to circumstances connected with the mutiny 
and massacre consummated at Jhansie, a town and military sta- 
tion of Bundlecund, in Central India, situate about 129 miles 
south-west of the city of Agra. The atrocities wantonly per- 
petrated at this place have scarcely been exceeded in heartless 
brutality by the crimes of the rebellious soldiers in other local- 
ities ravaged by their indiscrirainating vengeance. 

Of the outbreak at Jhansie, the details available for history 
are more copious than might have been expected, under the 
circumstances of a blow so complete and unsparing as that 
(410) 



THE EUROPEAN PERIOD.* 411 

which, on the 8th of June, 1857, crimsoned the annals of the 
town with the blood of helpless and unoffending women and 
children. 

For some time prior to the outbreak, the left wing of the 12th 
regiment of native infantry, and that of the 14th irregular cav- 
alry, had been stationed at Jhansie, where there were two forts — 
one in the town itself; the other, called the " Star Fort," being 
in the cantonments. Some unpleasant indications of the exist- 
ence of a bad feeling among the native troops had, in the latter 
part of May, awakened suspicion that their fidelity could not be 
depended on ; and Captain Dunlop, in command at the station, 
transmitted to Major Kirke, then with the head-quarters of the 
regiment at Nowgong, some letters that had come to the hands 
of Major Skene, superintendent of the district, and Captain 
Gordon, deputy -commissioner of Jhansie ; in which it was alleged 
that a Brahmin, named Lacknum Rao, in the service of the ranee 
of Jhansie, was using strenuous efforts to induce the men of the 
12th regiment to mutiny and destroy their officers ; and that 
although the fact was suspected, it was not at that time certain 
that the emissary of revolt was acting under the orders of the 
ranee. Other letters, from the same source of information, in- 
formed Captain Dunlop that spies from the revolted regiments, 
and from the known leaders of the movement, found no diffi- 
culty in entering his lines and tampering with the men. Up to 
this time, no apparent cause existed for doubting the fidelity of 
the troopers of the 14th cavalry, and the danger consequently 
seemed but of limited ex:tent, and not too difficult to be success- 
fully grappled with. As a measure of precaution, however, 
arrangements were quietly made for the removal of the Euro- 
pean families from their bungalows, &c., to the town fort, where 
the officers now took up their night quarters, spending the day 
«i,t the cantonments as usual, to avoid exciting suspicion that an 
^meute was anticipated. 

The surveyor of the revenue of the district, Captain Burgess, 
with the whole of his official establishment, had their tenta 
pitched within the fort, and everything was prepared for the 
permanent accommodation of the European and half-caste resi- 
ieats, when it should be necessary for them to seek the asylum. 



412 BRITISH INDIA. 

Nothing to indicate an immediate movement occurred until 
the morning of Thursday the 4th of June, when tne men of the 
Tth company of the 12th regiment, headed by one of their 
havildhars, suddenly marched into the " Star Fort," and took 
possession of it, with the treasure, ammunition, and stores de- 
posited there. Upon this decided act of open mutiny being 
reported to Captain Dunlop, he immediately dispatched the 
following communication to Colonel Kirke, dated " Jhansie, 
June 4th, 1857, 4 P. M." :— 

" Sm — The artillery and infantry have broken into mutiny, 
and have entered the 'Star Fort.' No one has been hurt as 
yet. Look out for stragglers. 

Yours, &c., J. Dunlop." 

On the departure of his messenger, Captain Dunlop paraded 
those companies of the regiment that had not joined in the mu- 
tinous demonstration, and the men of the irregular cavalry, and 
called upon them to preserve the honor of their respective corps 
by their fidelity and obedience. The troops eagerly and loudly 
responded to this appeal, by declaring they would do so, and 
would stand by their colors and their officers to the last man. 
Reassured by these protestations of loyalty and attachment, 
Captain Dunlop remained in the lines during that and the fol- 
lowing day, and nothing occurred to awaken his suspicions of 
impending mischief. 

During the evening of the 4th of June, the whole of the Eu- 
ropean families at the station were removed to the fort, and be- 
gan to prepare in earnest for the defense of the position. The 
whole number of Europeans in the town fort on the night of the 
4th of June was fifty-five, including the ladies and children ; 
Bome of the half-castes having previously ventured to leave 
the place, but without the good fortune to ensure safety by so 
doing. 

As yet no blood had stained the hands of the mutineers at 
Jhansie ; but about noon of Saturday, the 6th of June, as Cap- 
tain Dunlop and Ensign Taylor were walking together across 



THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 413 

the parade-ground of the 12th, on their return from the post- 
office, some men of the 12th, without any warning, raised their 
musliets and deliberately shot down the two officers. Lieuten- 
ant Campbell, of the 14th, who was on horseback near the spot 
where they fell, instantly rode off in the direction of the town 
fort, whither he was pursued by some of his own troopers, and 
thrice wounded before he gained shelter. Lieutenant Turnbull, 
the assistant-surveyor of revenue, hastened from the lines ; but 
being on foot and unable to reach the fort, he climbed a tree for 
concealment from the men who were following him. Unfor- 
tunately, he was seen in the act by some persons, who directed 
his pursuers to the spot, and the latter, on their arrival, shot him 
down, and he fell a corpse at their feet, riddled with bullets. A 
native servant to one of the officers, who remained in the fort 
until the 8th, afterward stated that the inmates could see, 
through their glasses, the men killing Captain Dunlop and En- 
sign Taylor ; and it was not until that occurrence that the gates 
wers closed and barricaded with large stones. The people in 
the fort also observed the approach of Lieutenant Campbell, 
with the sowars in close pursuit ; and, with their well-aimed 
rifles, secured his safety for a time by bringing down some of the 
sowars as they came within range. 

The fort being now, it was thought, effectually secured from 
attack, the little garrison calmly awaited the arrival of hoped- 
for succor, and occupied the interval in getting provisions from 
the town, hoisting the supplies, by ropes, through an embrasure 
in the parapet — occasionally varying their occupation by shoot- 
ing such of the mutinous soldiers as ventured within range ; and, . 
by cautious practice from the loopholes and embrasures of the 
fort, they managed to make some havoc among their assailants ; 
the only loss in return being that of Captain Gordon, who wag 
shot through the head while hauling up a bucket of wheat, that 
had been brought to the wall of the fort by a native groom be- 
longing to one of the officers. 

The parties collected within the fort at the time its gates were 
barricaded, were Major Skene, his wife and two children ; Cap- 
tain Gordon, of the Madras native infantry j Dr. M'Egan (12th 
35* 



414 BRITISH INDIA. 

native infantft*y) and wife ; Lieutenant Powys, 6th native infantry 
(attached to the canal department), with his wife and child: 
Dr. Brown, deputy commissioner of Jalowan, with his wife, 
child, and sister; two ladies from Orai, guests of the last-named 
gentleman ; Quartermaster-sergeant Newton, with his wife and 
four children ; and the whole of the English and Christian na- 
tive employes in the canal and civil departments, with their 
wives, children, and other relatives. 

It was .not alone to attacks from without that this little com- 
munity was exposed : while busied in providing against the open 
enemies that surrounded the fort, treachery within the walls was 
at work to destroy them I One of the khitmutgurs of Captain 
Burgess, seizing an opportunity when he thought he was unob- 
served, began rapidly to pull away the stones piled up to secure 
one of the gates ;. but being detected in the treacherous act by 
Lieutenant Powys, that officer indignantly shot him, and was 
himself immediately cut down by the tulwar of another native 
servant standing by. Lieutenant Burgess, who, between the 
closing of the fort and its surrender, had himself brought down 
fourteen of the rebels by his rifle practice, avenged the death 
of his brother-officer by killing his murderer. The position of 
the Europeans now became desperate ; and, during the night 
of the Tth, some of the civil employes endeavored to escape in 
native clothing by descending from the parapet ; but they were 
instantly caught, and butchered before the eyes of the friends 
they had just left. 

In the course of Monday, the 8th of June, offers of safety for 
the whole of the Europeans within the fort, were proposed by 
the mutineers, who had then completely surrounded it ; and two 
of the gates having been battered in, the provisions nearly ex- 
hausted, and no succor appearing probable, Major Skene and 
the other officers, relying upon the assurances made them, that 
ihe lives of all would be spared if they surrendered — a condi- 
tion that both Hindoos and Mohammedans pledged themselves 
by oaths to observe — a gateway was cleared, and all walked out 
of the fort, except Lieutenant Powys (who was yet alive, but 
unable to move) and his wife, who refused to leave her dying' 




(416) 



THE EUROPEAN PERIOD 411 

hrjsband. She was, however, torn from his side, and compelled 
to join the rest of the betrayed i)arty. 

The evacuation of the fort, arid its consequences, are thus de- 
scribed by an officer who, under a clever disguise, managed to 
esca[)e the butcheries of Jhansie, and, it is hoped, lived to avenge 
them. 

" At last Major Skene, taking the arm of one of the party, pro- 
ceeded from the gateway, near which a strong body of the rebels 
were drawn up in two lines to receive their victims. The soldiers 
stood quiet until the last of the Europeans had left the fort, 
and then, suddenly closing upon the officers and other males 
seized each of them, tied them with ropes they had with them 
for . the purpose, and led them to an adjacent garden : the 
females were next secured in the same way ; and then every 
soul, whatever the age, rank, or sex, was killed by the sword. 
The men died first, Burgess taking the lead — his elbows tied 
behind his back, and a prayer-book in his hands. What a sad 
end for so kind-hearted and unselfish a man ! But to die con* 
fessing the faith is a noble death. The rest died in the same 
way. They tried hard to get the women and children savea 
Our quartermaster-sergeant and his family alone were spared ; 
the servant says he was taken with the rebels when they left. 
This man said, the women stood with their babes in their 
arms, and the older children holding their gowns. They had 
to see the men killed ; but, with one exception only, I believe 
they we:e spared any violence save death. Dear little Mrs 
Towys — I think of her with such a pang. Poor Dunlop, too, 
I he first friend I made in India ; and Turnbull, so warm-hearted 
and anxious to do good and to benefit others. Poor little 
Taylor ! he had been with his brother, and had made great 
iiaste to rejoin on the mutinies breaking out at other stations. 
lie reached Jhansie a few days before he died. I am so glad 
yon and your pets were gone. I should have withered with 
horror at your sharing the awful end of the other poor ladies. 
It is bad enough to have to mourn Mrs. Powys. Ryves, thank 
God, escaped to Gwalior. I have seen his name in two Cal- 
cutta papers,^ which say that he had escaped, with others, to 
Agra, when the Gwalior troong mutinied." 




CHAPTER XX. 

tIEGE OP LUCKNOW — DREADFUL DISASTER AT CAWNPORE— 
TREACHERY OP NANA SAHIB ■ — STATE OF AFFAIRS AT DELHI— 
AT CALCUTTA — PROCEEDINGS IN ENGLAND — SUCCESSES OF GENE- 
RAL HAVELOCK — HE RELIEVES CAWNPORE — MUTINY AT DI- 
NAPORE — CONDUCT OP THE NATIVE CHIEFS — DISAFFECTION 
IN THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY — MISCONDUCT OF THE GOVERNOR- 
GENERAL — HAVELOCK RELIEVES LUCKNOW — BATTLE OF MUN- 
GARWAR — ASSAULT AND CAPTURE OP DELHI. 



The mutiny, as our readers will have perceived, had now 
become very widely extended, and the situation of the British 
7)0sts, still holding to their fidelity, was becoming daily more 
perilous. • 

At Lueknow, Sir Henry Lawrence attacked and defeated a 
numerous body of insurgents, but was soon afterward himself 
besieged in the residency. Here he bravely held out against 
overwhelming numbers until the beginning of July, when he 
was mortally wounded in a sally, and the heroic little band 
compelled to retire into a smaller fort. 

At Cawnpore a terrible disaster befell the British arms. Sir 
(418) 



THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 421 

Hugh Wheeler, a veteran officer of approved bravery, had en- 
trenched himself in the barracks with a force of less than 300 
fighting men, and upward of 500 women and children, the 
wives and families of officers and civilians, and of the qiieen^a 
32d regiment then besieged at Lucknow. The insurgents were 
commanded by Nana Sahib, or rather Dhandoo Pant, Rajah 
of Bhitoor, the adopted son of the late Peishwah Bajee Rao. 
This man, under the mask of kindly feeling toward the English, 
nurtured a deadly hatred against the government which had 
refused to acknowledge his claims as the Peishwah's successor. 
He had long been addicted to the most revolting sensuality, and 
had lost all control over his passions. Wearied and enraged 
by the desperate resistance of this handful of brave men, he 
offered them a safe passage to Allahabad if they would give 
up their guns and treasure. The place indeed was no longer 
tenable ; and the survivors, diminished in number, were ex- 
hausted by constant vigils and want of food. In an evil 
moment, then, they accepted the terms of their perfidious 
enemy, marched down to the river and embarked on board the 
boats which had been prepared for them. Suddenly a masked 
battery opened fire upon them, and crowds of horse and foot 
soldiei's lined either bank. Many were shot dead, still more 
were drowned, and about 150 taken prisoners ; four only 
escaped by swimming. The men were instantly put to death 
in cold blood ; the women and children were spared for a few 
days longer. 

All this time the main body of the rebels, frequently 
strengthened by fresh arrivals, had their head-quarters at 
Delhi. On the lower plateau that commands that city was 
encamped a British force burning for revenge, but too weak to 
venture upon an assault. On every occasio i, however, they 
repulsed the repeated sorties of the enemy, and drove him with 
greater slaughter within the walls. A strange mortality de- 
prived them of their commanders at brief intervals. General 
Anson died of cholera at Kurnaul, on his way down from the 
hills. His successor. Sir Henry Barnard, was carried off by tho 
Bame disease before the walls of Delhi. The third was General 
36 



422 BRITISH INDIA. 

Reid, whose health likewise failed him, and compelled him to 
resign the command to Brigadier Wilson. 

No sooner had the sad tidings of the massacre at Delhi 
reached Calcutta, than the governor-general instantly dis- 
patched a vessel to Ceylon to intercept the troops proceeding 
to China, in support of Lord Elgin's mission. At the same 
time he telegraphed to Madras aij^d Bombay for all the Eu- 
ropean troops that could be spared ; and on the death of Gen- 
eral Anson appointed Sir Patrick Grant Commander-in-Chief 
of the forces in India, pending the confirmation of the appoint- 
ment by the Home Government. Large reinforcements were 
also drawn from Mauritius and the Cape ; and as the mutiny as- 
sumed still more formidable dimensions, the European residents 
in Madras and Calcutta were enrolled into voluntary corps of 
horse and foot militia. 

Never, perhaps, did greater excitement prevail in England 
than when the first intelligence arrived of the revolt of the 
Bengal army, and of the fiendish atrocities perpetrated by sol- 
diers whose loyalty had become proverbial. As each successive 
mail brought the narratives of additional horrors, indignation 
at such unparalleled treachery and brutality almost surpassed 
the natural feelings of sympathy for those who had suffered 
such cruel wrongs. The government was urged on all sides to 
send out immense armies of retribution, and to pause at no. 
amount of expenditure necessary to recover the lost position. 
Yolunteers from all ranks and classes of society spontaneously 
came forward to tender their services ; and through the initia- 
tion of the Lord Mayor of London, whose brother. Colonel 
Finnis, was one of the first victims of the mutiny, a Relief 
Fund was instituted for the aid of the many hundreds so sud- 
denly reduced to destitution. 

By the middle of October upward of £150,000 were sub- 
fcribed for this purpose, and the fountain of charity still ga^e 
no signs of drying up. It was in the latter end of June that 
the news of the Meerut revolt and massacre was first received 
by the ministry, and within three months more than 30,000 
excellent troops had left the British shores, and regiment 
lifter regiment continued to be dispatched in the same direction. 




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(424) 



THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 425 

Within forty-eight hours of the notification of Genera'. 
Anson's death, Sir Colin Campbell was on his way to the 
East to assun^e the chief command ; and a steady fixed deter- 
mination was evinced throupjliout the British islands to recon- 
quer the revolted provinces at any cost of blood or treasure. 
But before Sir Colin could reach his destination the tide 
had already turned, and the victories of British troops had 
begun to supersede the massacre of defenseless women and 
children. 

General Havclock, taking the command at Allahabad of the 
18th Highlanders, the queen's 64th, the 1st Madras fusiliers, 
and the Ferozepore regiment of Sikhs, had set out in the hope 
of arriving at Cawnpore in time to release Sir Hugh Wheeler 
and his devoted comrades. After marching 126 miles, fighting 
four actions, and capturing a number of guns of heavy calibre, 
in eight days and in the worst season of an Indian climate, he 
was yet too late to avert the terrible catastrophe. The day 
before he entered Cawnpore, Nana Sahib foully murdered the 
women and children, who alone survived of the Cawnpore gar- 
rision, and caused them to be flung, the dead and the dying, into 
a well of the courtyard of the assembly rooms. 

The indefatigable Havelock followed the treacherous Mah- 
ratta to Bhitoor, which he captured and dismantled. Then 
collecting some boats he crossed the Ganges, and, thrice forcing 
the enemy from strong positions, arrived within a day's march 
of Lucknow. But encumbered with his sick and wounded — 
cholera having broken out in his little camp — he was compelled 
to retrace his steps toward the river. 

On the banks of the Ganges, for the eighth time, he defeated 
the enemy, and captured his guns ; and a few days afterward, 
the 15th August, he marched out from Cawnpore and again 
drove them from Bhitoor. His approach had enabled the gar 
rison of Lucknow to sally forth and secure many head of cattle, 
and, a little later, having undermined a house, they blew up 
above a hundred of the insurgents, and disabled their two 
heaviest guns. Thus relieved, they informed General Havelock 
that they could hold their own until he received the reinforce- 
36* 



426 BRITISH INDIA. 

ments tliat were coming up from Calcutta. They would haye 
arrived at Cawnpore some weeks sooner than they actually did, 
had not General Lloyd proved unequal to the occasion at Dina- 
pore. 

Until the 25th of July three regiments of native infantry, 
stationed at that place, had continued faithful, but circum- 
stances had occurred to create suspicion, the general was ad- 
vised to disarm them. Instead of doing so, he merely ordered 
them to give up their percussion caps before a certain hour, 
by which time they were making the best of their way to the 
river Soane. When it was too late to be of service, the 10th 
_ and a battery of artillery were sent in pursuit, but failed to inflict 
much loss. Subsequently a detachment under Captain Dunbar 
was dispatched to relieve Arrah, a civil station closely invested 
by the Dinapore mutineers. Marching without taking proper 
precautions, these troops fell into an ambush, and were driven 
back to their boats with the loss of 150 killed and wounded. 
The glory of relieving Arrah was reserved for Major Eyre of 
the Bengal artilery, who with three guns and 150 men of the 
5th fusiliers, dispersed the insurgents, captured Jugdeespore, 
and restored the communication between Calcutta and the Up- 
per Provinces. 

With rare exceptions the native chiefs preserved their en- 
gagements with the British government during this critical 
period. The contingent forces, indeed, of Scindiah and Hol- 
kar joined the mutineers, but those princes do not appear to 
have been in any way accessory to the movement. The Sikh 
states, and especially the rajahs of Jheend and Puttiala, ren- 
dered signal service, and both the Nepaulese government and 
the Maharajah Goolab Sing of Cashmere — who died on the 2d 
August — sent considerable bodies of auxiliary troops to the aid 
of the British. Still more significant is the fact that the vil- 
-lagers, almost invariably, exhibited more sympathy for the 
British than for their own countrymen. It is true that they 
oftentimes plundered unarmed fugitives, but they showed still 
less mercy to the rebel sepoys when not in sufficient force to 
protect themselves It thus appears evident that the revolt of 



THE EUROPEAN PERI01>. 42" 

the Bengal army was actually a mutiny and not a popular 
insurrection. 

Meanwhile the mutterings of disaffection began to be heard 
also in the Bombay Presidency. The 27th N. I. broke out 
into open mutiny at Kolapore, and shortly afterward the 21st 
N. I. conspired at Kurrachee to massacre the European inhab- 
itants, but their projected villainy being discovered, they were 
promptly disarmed, and the ringleaders justly punished. The 
Joudpore Legion was not more faithful to its colors than 
other contingent forces, and the trifling successes which at- 
tended their first movements encouraged the enemies of the 
British government throughout Rajpootana to take up arms 
and join their ranks. 

The Madras troops, with the exception of the 8th light ca- 
valry, exhibited a rare and honorable example of fidelity amid 
such wide-spread treachery and rebellion. But on the north- 
east frontier of Bengal, the Assamese displayed a restlessness 
that boded no good ; and their vicinity to the Burmese on the 
one hand, and to the Santhals on the other, rendered it neces- 
sary to adopt energetic raeaures to keep them in awe. 

Unhappily, the governor-general of India too rarely mani- 
fested the decision of character demanded in such an emergency. 
Of personal courage there was no want, but he was deficient in 
quickness of conception, and in moral hardihood. His coun- 
selors were even more timid than himself, and thus the muti- 
neers were encouraged, and the European residents in Calcutta 
in the same proportion disheartened by the habitual vacillation 
of the government. 

At one time during the advent of the great Mohammedan fes- 
tival of the Mohurrum, a panic prevailed throughout all classes 
of the Christian inhabitants ; and was only allayed by the un- 
expected arrival of Lord Elgin with the Shannon and the 
Pearl. 

At a later period Lord Canning converted this feeling of 
distrust into one of disgust and indignation by appointing a 
Lieut. -Governor of the Central Provinces, with two Mohamme- 
dan assistants^ to supersede martial law, and to tie the handa 



.428 BRITISH INDIA. 

of the military leaders, upon whose promptness and resolution 
depended the safety both of individuals and of the State. In 
pursuance of the same impolitic line of conduct, an Act was 
passed by the Legislature, rendering it a misdemeanor to pos- 
sess arms or ammunition without first obtaining a license to 
that effect. As his lordsip in council had previously returned 
an ungracious answer to a petition of the European commu- 
nity, praying that the native population might be disarmed ; it 
was felt that this was at least an insulting intimation that the 
European settlers were no more trustworthy than the people of ' 
the country. 

While these dissensions obtained at the Presidency, Sir James 
Outram, who had succeeded General Lloyd at Dinapore, hastily 
collected what forces he could muster, and pushed on to rein- 
force General Havelock at Cawnpore. With characteristic 
magnanimity, however, he first disclaimed all intention of pluck- 
ing the nobly earned laurels from the grasp of his junior ofiicer, 
and intimated his desire to accompany him solely in his civil ca- 
pacty of Chief Commissioner of Oude. His march upward from 
Allahabad, however, was much impeded by the heavy rains, and 
at one point a small body of the enemy attempted to harass his 
flank ; but being vigorously attacked by a detachment under 
Major Eyre, they were destroyed almost to a man. It was thus 
the 19th of September before General Havelock v/as in a posi- 
tion to cross the Ganges for a third time, and to advance with 
an eflScient force to relieve the long beleaguered garrison at 
Lucknow. 

On that day the army of relief crossed the river by a bridge 
of boats, and encamped on the other side. General Havelock's 
force consisted of about 2,000 European infantry, the Sikh regi- 
ment of Ferozepore, three batteries of fieJd artillery, and a 
liandful of volunteer cavalry. The rebels mustered above 40,000 
strong, but their numerical superiority only served to enhance 
the prowess of their conquerors. The first engagement took 
place on the 21st of September, at the village of Mungaiwar, 
and resulted in the total defeat of the mutineers. Five field- 
pieces and two guns in position were taken, two of the formei 










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THE EUROPEAN PERIO>.< 431 

being captured by the volunteer cavalry, led on to the charge 
by General Outram in person. 

From this point the army pushed on by forced marches, with- 
out encountering any organized opposition, until it arrived be- 
fore the city of Lucknow. Skirting the suburbs of that once 
stately capital, General Havelock forced his way through every 
obstacle, and by the evening of the 25th had relieved the heroic 
garrison. 

The relief was opportune. Two mines had already been driven 
under the chief works, and in a few hours more would have 
been loaded and sprung. The besieged would thus have been 
placed at the mercy of those who knew no mercy. 

The city, however, had still to be subdued. From several 
advantageous positions the enemy continued to fire upon the 
fort, and were only finally dislodged after a series of determined 
assaults. 

In these operations the loss of the British was very severe. 
General Neill, the brave and energetic saviour of Benares, and 
the inexorable avenger of the massacre at Cawnpore, was among 
the slain. With hjm fell Major Cooper, in command of the 
artillery, and many other gallant spirits. Even now much re- 
mained to be done. Taking courage from their overwhelming 
numbers, the enemy soon closed again around the army of de- 
liverance, and cut off their communications with Cawnpore. 
Encumbered with not less than 1,000 women and children, and 
sick or wounded men, it would have been hazardous, if not 
impossible, to have attempted a retrograde march across a diffi- 
cult country, harassed on all sides by an active and desperate 
enemy. Under these circumstances. Sir James Outram, who 
had now assumed the chief command, determined on remaining 
at Lucknow, and awaiting the arrival of reinforcements. His 
position, indeed, was critical, but events in another quarter were 
in the mean time operating in his favor. 

Until the latter end of August, the British troops before 
Delhi are rather to be considered as an army of observation, 
than as a besieging force. Inferiority in numbers and artillery 
was barely counterbalanced by their superior discipline, courage. 



432 BRITISH INDIA. 

and pnysical strength. These advanta]2:es enabled them, indeed, 
to m.aintain their ground, but not to assume the offensive. 

Toward the close of August, however, a reinforcement of 
European and Sikh troops, under Brigadier Nicholson, arrived 
froni the Punjab, and on the 25th of that month the rebels were 
defeated at Nujuffghur, with great slaughter and the loss of thir- 
teen guns. A few days later a heavy siege-train was received 
from Ferozepore, and breaching batteries were constructed on 
the north side of the city. The siege may be said to have com- 
menced on the 1th of September, and by the evening of the 13th 
the engineers reported two practicable breaches — one near the 
Cashmere, the other near the Water bastion. Arrangements 
were therefore at once made for an assault to take place at day- 
break on the following morning. 

The first column, commanded by Brigadier Nicholson, ad- 
vanced under a tremendous fire, and applymg their scaling-lad- 
ders, carried the Cashmere bastion, and established themselves 
in the main guard. Almost simultaneously the second column, 
under Brigadier Jones, stormed the Water bastion, and effected 
a junction with their comrades inside the walls. 

A third column, under Colonel Campbell, awaited the blow- 
ing open of the Cashmere gate to join in the assault. They 
had not long to wait. Lieutenants Salkeld and Home, of the 
engineers, accompanied by three sergeants carrying the powder- 
bags, walked up to the gateway in broad daylight, and while 
exposed to a heavy fire of musketry, coolly fastened the bags to 
the iron spikes of the gate. In the performance of this heroic 
exploit, Lieutenant Salkeld was severely wounded, and two of 
the sergeants killed upon the spot ; but the train was lighted, 
and the gate blown open with a tremendous crash. 

As the smoke cleared away, the storming party sprang 
through the ruins with a British cheer ; and the three columns, 
Uniting, made themselves master of the whole line of works, from 
the Water bastion to the Cabul ga.ie ; and before nightfall were 
in possession of Skinner's house, the Church, the College, and 
the adjacent grounds. This brilliant success, however, was not 
achieved without great loss of life 



THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 433 

Of the European soldiery, eight officers and- 1G2 rank and 
Sle were killed, with fil'Ly-two officers and 510 rank and li!e 
wounded ; of the sepoys, 413 were placed hws de comhat, of 
whom 103 were slain outright. The total number of casualties 
thus amounted to 1,145, or one-third of the entire assanltii'ifjr 
force. Among the mortally wounded was Brigadier Nicholson, 
V hose death was justly deplored as a national caldmity. 

Simultaneously with these main attacks, a diversion was made 
by a fourth column, consisting of Sikhs, Ghoorkas, and Cash- 
merians, on the suburbs of Kishengunge and Pahareepore. But, 
in spite of their most strenuous efforts, these troops failed to 
overcome the desperate resistance offered by the enemy, and, in 
the end, were compelled to retreat, though not ingloriously. 

The day follov/ing the assault was consumed in shelling the 
palace and in battering the magazine. A breach was effected, 
and at daylight of the 16th a storming party dashed forward 
with such impetuosity that the rebel artillerymen dropped theii 
lighted port-fires and fled, leaving undischarged six guns of large 
calibre commanding the breach and loaded with grape. On the 
l*7th the British troops became masters of the Bank, formerly 
the palace of the Begum Sumroo, and shortly afterward of the 
Jumma Musjid, or principal mosque. Heavy guns were now 
brought to play upon the palace and the bridge of boats, and 
by the evening of the 20th the rebels entirely evacuated the cii/ 
and its suburbs. Then was seen the extent of the damage sus- 
tained by the former capital of the Moghul dynasty. Whole 
streets had been laid in ruins ; dead bodies tainted the air in all 
directions; the? inhabitants, reduced to beggary, were crouching, 
terror-stricken, in obscure lurking-places. But the British sol- 
dioi is merciful in victory, as he is irresistible in battle. To 
armed rebels no mercy was shown ; but women and children 
and the defenseless citizens were spared and protected. 

The venerable descendant of Timour — venerable only by rea- 
son of his gray hairs and extreme old age — had fled, with his 
principal Begum, two sons, and a grandson, to the tomb of hig 
ancestor, Hoomayoon, son of the mighty Baber. Here he was 
discovered and seized by Captain Uodsou, of the 2d European 
37 



434 



BRITISH IND A. 



.fusiliers. His own life and that of his queen were respected 
hut the princes were led out and shot, and their dead bodies 
publicly exposed at the kotwalee, or mayor's court. 

General Wilson, whose health failed him in the hour of vic- 
tory, now resigned the command to Brigadier Penny, C B., a 
veteran of approved gallantry. Colonel Burn, whose father so 
gallantly defended Delhi against Jeswunt Rao Holkar in 1803, 
was appointed military commandant within the city, and mea- 
sures were successfully taken to re-establish order, and to afibrd 
protection to well-disposed and peaceful citizens. Two mov- 
able columns, consisting each of 1,600 infantry, 500 cavalry, 
three troops of horse artillery, and 18 guns, were told off, and 
ordered to follow up the retreating enemy without delay. One 
of these, commanded by Colonel Greathed, of the 84th, came 
up with a rebel force strongly posted near Bolundshuhur, and, 
after a spirited engagement, utterly discomfited them with the 
loss of two guns, a vast quantity of ammunition, and 100 men. 

On the same day the other column overtook the mutineers at 
Muttra, and inflicted severe chastisement. The security of Agra 
was thus assured, and a direct road laid open into Oude. Re- 
inforcements from England were at the same time arriving at 
Calcutta, and each successive day fresh troops were rapidly 
pushed up the country. 





CHAPTER XXI. 

IHE MISSIONARIES — RELIEF OP LUCKNOW — MUTINY AT CHITTA« 
GONG — OPERATIONS IN OUDE. 



The fall of Delhi was considered by the British government 
as the virtual termination of the rebellion ; just as the same gov- 
ernment had regarded the capture of Philadelphia in 1777, as 
the virtual termination of the American re'b«44tt;n. Subsequent 
events have shown how very far this was from being a correct 
calculation. The fall of Delhi, by scattering the rebels, appears 
only to have multiplied the rebel posts in various parts of India, 
and to have increased and more widely difl'used the spirit of 
disaffection. 

The reader will naturally be desirous to know what became 
of the missionaries and their establishments, during the period 
which we have already passed over. The following extract 
from one of Dr. Duff's Letters on India* supplies the desired 
information ; and, at the same time, affords a gratifying testi- 
mony in favor of the missionaries, both British and American. 

* " The Indian Rebellion ; its Causes and Besults. In a series of Letterf 
£:om the Key. Alexander Duff, D.D., LL,D., Calcutta. " 

(435) 



436 BRITISH INDIA. 

" October 6. — From the fragmentary way in which details have 
been reaching us, it is impossible to ascertain with absolute ac- 
curacy the number of British Christians that have met with au 
untimely end in the midst of the present awful whirlwind of fire 
ajid blood. One thing is certain, that, at the lowest calculation, 
the yiumher cannot he under thirteen hundred. Of that num- 
ber, about two hundred and forty have been British military offi- 
cers — about a tenth of the officers of the Bengal army. Great 
as is this number, the marvel is that, amid such terrific scenes, 
it has been so small. I now speak of those who have been 
actually massacred, and not of those who have fallen in open 
battle with the enemy. The rest of the 1,300 consists of civil 
servants of the East India Company, assistants in government 
offices, bankers, traders, agents, and ladies. 

** The number also includes /owr chaplains and ten male mis- 
sionaries, with their wives. Of the latter ten, two, belonging to 
the Propagation Society, fell at Cawnpore, and three at Delhi ; 
four, of the American Presbyterian Mission, at Futtehghur ; and 
one, of the Established Church of Scotland, at Sealkote, in the 
i'unjab. 

** The destruction of mission property in the North-west has 
been immense. At upward of twenty stations there has been 
much devastation, and at some of them total ruin. The mission 
bungalow residences, the schools, the churches or chapels, the 
libraries and stores of books, have been completely destroyed. 
The extensive printing presses of the American Mission at 
Allahabad, and of the Church of England Missionary Society 
at Agra, with the founts of types, and Bible, and tract, and 
school-book depositories — the accumulated results of the knowl- 
edge, experience, and toil of many a devoted spirit for many 
years — have all disappeared. In pecuniary value alone, the ag- 
gregate of mission property thus wantonly and wickedly demol- 
ished and swept away cannot, at the lowest estimate, be reckoned 
under seventy thousand pounds. But if the Lord in mercy 
rouse the Christian heart of Britain and America, the seventy 
thousand will soon be replaced by more than seven times seventy. 
And in this way may a glorious exemplification be furnished to 



THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 437 

the whole of nominal Christendom and actual Heathendom of 
the Divine principle of overcoming evil with good. Oh that 
British and American Christians would be shaken by this earth- 
quake out of the drowsiness of the past, with its meagre drowsy 
action ! Now, if ever, is the golden opportunity. When the 
Prince of Darkness, through his emissaries, brought the Lord of 
glory to an ignominious death on Calvary's cross, little recked 
he that, instead of extinguishing, he was only establishing and 
for ever glorifying His name and cause on earth. So, with simi- 
lar short-sight«!d policy now, he may have stirred up his heathen 
emissaries to imbue their hands in the blood of the heralds of 
the cross, plunder and lay waste their property, and annihilate 
their Bible stores, in the hope of thereby exterminating the 
Redeemer's name and cause from this vast land, in which for 
thousands of years he has exercised undisputed sovereignty over 
its teeming myriads. But if Christians are true in their pro- 
fessed loyalty to their Saviour- King, they will turn this policy 
of the arch enemy into foolishness and irretrievable defeat. They 
will now arise and come forth with twice redoubled energy, and 
more than twice redoubled liberality — energy and liberality sus- 
tained by an Abraham-like faith and a wrestling Jacob-like 
prayer — and if they do so, Satan's long-consolidated dominion 
in India will soon be wrenched from his tyrant grasp and con- 
Terted into a glorious province of Immanuel's universal empire ! 
■" To prevent all misconception with reference to missionaries, 
it ought to be emphatically noted that nowhere has any special 
enmity or hostility been manifested toward them by the mutineers. 
Far from it. Such of them as fell in the way of the rebels were 
simply dealt with precisely in the same way as all other Euro- 
peans were dealt with. They belonged to the governing class, and, 
as such, must be destroyed, to make way for the re-establishment 
of the old native Mohammedan dynasty. The same actuating 
motive led to the destruction o( native Christians and all others 
vjho were friendly or svpposed to be friendly to the British 
government. In this way it is known that many of the natives 
of Bengal, who, from their superior English education, were 
employed in government offices in the North-west, and were 
37* 



438 BRITISH INDIA. 

believed to be favorable to the continuance of our rule, were 
made to suffer severely both in life and property. Some of them 
were sadly mutilated after the approved Mohammedan fashion, 
oy having their noses slit up and ears cut off; while others, amid 
exposures and sufferings, had to effect the same hair-breadth es- 
capes as the Europeans. In short, I feel more than ever per- 
suaded of the reality of the conviction which I entertained //-o-m 
(he very first, that this monster rebellion has been moinly of a 
political, and but very suhordinately of a religious character, and 
that the grand proximate agency in exciting it was a treasonable 
Mohammedan influence brought skillfully to bear on a soil pre- 
pared for its action by many concurring antecedent causes of dis- 
affection and discontent. Brahminical and other influences had 
doubtless their share in it, but the preponderant central element 
has been of Mohammedan origin, directed to the realization of 
the long-cherished dynastic designs of Mohammedan ambition. 
" By the natives generally, no special animosity has been ex- 
hibited toward the missionaries or their doings. The very con- 
trary is the fact. On this subject the editor of the Calcutta 
Ch'istian Intelligencer, a clergyman of the Church of England, 
has been able to bear emphatic testimony. * If any European, 
says he, * is respected and trusted by the natives at present, it 
is the missionary. All the influence of public officers and their 
agents at Benares could not succeed in procuring supplies for 
the troops and others from the country round ; hut a mission- 
ary well known to the people is now going round the villages 
and getting in supplies for the public service. The mission- 
aries and their families are living, at that and some other stations, 
at some distance from the other residents, and from the means 
of defense, and are surrounded by the people on every side. 
How remarkable is this state of things ! The government, who 
have ahvays fondled and favored superstition and idolatry, ai^e 
accused of an underhand design to cheat the people into Chris- 
tianity ; and the missionaries, who have always openly and 
boldly, hut still kindly and affectionately, denounced all idola- 
trous abominations, and invited their deluded votaries to em- 
brace the gospel of Christ for their salvation — they are under- 



THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 439 

stood by the people ; arid if any Europeans are trusted^ the 
missionaries are at present ' 

" The gratifying incident recorded here of the Benares mission- 
ary at once reminds us of the case of the celebrated Schwartz, 
who, wlien the agents of the Madras government utterly failed 
in their attempts, by his personal influence with the people suc- 
ceeded in obtaining the most abundant supplies for the British 
array. The case of Feshawur, the remotest and most critically 
eituated of all the Punjab stations, is most remarkable and 
instructive. The Mohammedan population of that city in sin- 
gularly fanatical. The city is encompassed with hill tribes as 
daring as they are fanatical. The first British political resident 
there, after the conquest of the Punjab, full of antiquated anti- 
christian fears, declared that so long as he lived there should 
not be a Christian mission beyond the Indus. Subsequently, 
the resident was assassinated by a Mohammedan fanatic. His 
successor was the famous Major Edwardes, of Mooltan celebrity, 
a man who, happily, fears God and loves the Saviour and his 
cause. When it was proposed to establish a mission at Pesha- 
wur, he at once fearlessly headed it, and openly declared, in sub- 
stance, that the Christianization of India ought to be regarded 
as the ultimate end of our continued possession of it. At the 
outbreak of the great rebellion, nearly the whole of the native 
regiments j(eight in number) at the station showed symptoms of 
disaffection and mutiny. Most of them had to be disarmed ; 
and one of them has since been cut to pieces. In the midst of 
these frightful internal troubles, and surrounded on all sides with 
a fiercely fanatical people, what were the missionaries to do ? 
If they were even called on by the authorities to pause for a sea- 
son, no one could have been much surprised. But no ; Sir John 
Lawrence, the chief Commissioner, and Mr. Montgomery, the 
judicial commissioner, of the Punjab, in reference to them, in 
substance replied: 'Let the preaching and other missionary 
operations by no means be suspended.^ Oh, how true the saying, 
'Them that honor me I will honor!' At Peshawur, amidst 
almost unparalleled difficulties, the British have been able to 
hold their own ; the Punjab has been preserved in tranquillity j 



440 BRITISH INDIA. 

and not only so, but has been able to furnish nearly all the troops 
that have now so triumphantly recaptured Delhi 1 Are not 
these suggestive facts ? Indeed, it is scarcely too much to 
say, that it is the Punjab which has mainly saved our Indian 
empire." 

At the time of the fall of Delhi, the native army of Bengal, 
QS a British force, may be said to have ceased to exist. That 
vast body, consisting of regulars, irregulars, infantry, cavalry, 
and artillery, and numbering upward of 100,000 men, had been, 
with the exception of two regiments, entirely dissolved ; and by 
far the greater part of it was in open and sanguinary revolt. 
Driven from the open plains of the Jumna and the Ganges, they 
betook themselves to the rolling hills, vast forests, a.nd all but 
interminable jungles of Central India, where they are still carry- 
ing on a desultory and indecisive guerilla warfare, which is gradu- 
ally exhausting the forces of the British. 

Dr. Duff, in a letter dated October 19th, 1857, writes thus in 
relation to his views of the final issue of the rebellion : — 

" Never, even for a single moment, have I desponded. From 
the very first, when the lurid clouds, surcharged with the red 
lighti]ing and thunder of Jehovah's judgments, seemed hangir)g 
over our heads, and ready to burst upon us with desolating fury, 
my faith in the uifijnate destiny of British India was never for 
an instant shaken. I felt fortified with an intense persuasiop 
that, after visiting us with well-merited chastisements for our 
past sins and negligences, and after we ourselves had been sufiS- 
eiently humbled under a burning sense of our guiltiness and 
shame, and had resolved with lowly, penitent, and broken hearts 
to return unto the Lord with 'full purpose of, and endeavor 
after new obedience,' Jehovah would look out upon us through 
the fiery cloud of suspended judgments, and once more gladden 
us with the smiles of His gracious countenance. And this is 
my intense persuasion still ; though I am grieved to add that, 
e.ither in Britain or in India, I have not yet perceived convinc- 
ing signs of our being sufficiently humbled as 3, people and yta- 
tion. There is a loud cry for the visitation of retributive justico 
on the hosts of unpardonable murderers, and a loud and honesi 



THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 44l 

wail of sympathy with the agonized friends of the murdered, as 
well as surviving sufferers. And all this is right, thoroughly 
right and Christian, in its way. But any hope of an accelerated 
removal of deserved judgment, and an accelerated restoration 
of settled peace and tranquillity, would be vastly enhanced were 
I to see our people and nation prostrated in the dust before a 
holy God ; and then, sincerely and truly, and not feignedly, like 
the Jews of old, in those hypocritical fastings and humiliations 
vvhich were an abomination to the Lord, confessing our past sins 
of omission and commission toward poor benighted, superstition- 
ridden India, and resolving that, in the amendment of the future, 
ample reparation shall be made for the crimes and negligence 
of the past. * * * * * * 

" Still, my faith in the ultimate issue is in no way shaken — not 
because of any worthiness in us, or any confidence in the sagacity 
of our counsels or the prowess of our arms, but because of God's 
manifest purposes of mercy to poor distracted India, through 
the instrumentality of Christian Protestant Britain. That as a 
nation we have been negligent in the discharge of our great trust, 
and that as a people we have, in manifold ways, grievously si i- 
ned against God in this land, is undoubted. Hence the succ» j- 
sivc visitations of Jehovah's displeasure, in former as well ;s 
present times. His judgments are now abroad amongst us, tl it 
thereby we maybe made to learn and to return to righteousn ss 
and the paths of dutiful obedience. If this be the issue of th( ai, 
the great object for which they have been sent will have been 
gained. And if so, happy will it be for Britain — unspeakably 
happy for bleeding, ransacked, devastated India 

" From the chequered events of the last few months may we 
not, without presumption, infer that the Lord has still mercy in 
store for us ? Our people, scattered in mere handfuls at great 
distances from each other, over a vast territory, of more than a 
thousand miles in breadth, and at least fifteen hundred in 
length, assailed by a revolted disciplined army of a hundred 
thousand men, and surrounded by a population of nearly a hun- 
dred millions, the greater part of them, to say the least, indiff- 
troDt to our fate, and millions of them, yes, literally millions of 



442 BRITISH INDIA. 

them positively hostile I Surely, surely, may we exclaim, * It 

is of the Lord's mercies that we are not consumed I If it had 
not been the Lord who was on our side, when men rose up 
against us, then they had swallowed us up quick, when their 
wrath was kindled against us !' That so many should have 
fallen by the hands of foul and treacherous assassins, is beyond 
measure distressing ; but the real wonder — the wonder of won- 
ders — is, that any one at all should have been alive this day to 
'sing of mercy' as well as of 'judgment.' That there have 
been so many instances of fatuous miscalculation and mistake 
on the part of the enemy, as well as of their counsels being 
turned into foolishness, is also very notable. That amid so many 
exasperated myriads, having so prodigious a stake at issue as 
that of life, and property, and empire, no man of towering ge- 
rnv.s, such as India has heretofore supplied — no Sevajee, no 
Ilyder Ali, no Runjeet Singh — should have arisen, capable of 
combining and concentrating the scattered elements of rebellion, 
and bringing them to bear down with a sweeping tornado force 
on the exposed and all but helpless handfals of British — is surely 
something more than notable. The escapes, too, of indi- 
viduals, as w^ell as of small companies of fugitives, have beea 
almost miraculous. The energy also which has, in so many 
cases, been exhibited by single men, not less than by small as- 
semblages of men, rises positively into the sublime of heroism. 
I speak not now of men in commanding positions, such as Gen- 
eral Neill and Sir Henry Lawrence, but of more ordinary men 
in less conspicuous circumstances. It is only the' other day that 
in Rewah, an independent State that lies between Mirzapore and 
the Saugor territories on the Nerbudda, the most of the rajah's 
troops revolted, and went off to join a vast body of rebels under 
Kuwar Singh, w^ho threatened to visit his country with fire and 
5word on his way into Central India. The people were seized 
with panic ; the rajah himself went to Captain Osborne, the 
political agent, and begged him to leave the territory, as he could 
not protect him or the other British officers for an hour. Having 
already sent off his own zenana, he told the city people to send 
away their wives, as he could not protect them j and away hi 



THE EUROPEAN PERIOD 443 

went to a distant fort. The agent, knowing well that on hia 
preventing the host of armed rebels from passing through the 
Revvah State depended the safety of Nagode, Jubbulpore, Ban- 
delkund, and the Saugor and Nerbudda territories, resolved, with 
something like a martyr spirit, to stand by his strangely critical 
post to the very last. Though unwell at the time, and scarcely 
able to move, his spirit rose to the height of Spartan energy, 
while it seemed partly to inspire and partly to overawe all around 
him. Fertile in expedients, as well as brave, he roused the ru- 
ral population by sending amongst them numbers of agents to 
rehearse in their hearing the multiplied atrocities committed by 
the rebels elsewhere. He even procured one or two sufferers 
from their brutality, sent them out as a spectacle among the 
people, and worked upon their fears to such an extent, that 
at last they all united in declaring that they would oppose the 
passage of the rebel army. Tidings of all this having reached 
the traitor-leader of that army, he deemed it prudent to pause 
in his onward career, and eventually to withdraw it altogether, 
and pass away in another direction. Thus, for a time at least, 
has Central India been saved — the handfuls of our poor belea- 
guered countrymen, with their wives and children in different 
stations there, have been saved — by the indomitable energy, the 
admirable tact and sagacity, of a single man I" 

The Indian mutiny has assumed the aspect of a regular war 
in the kingdom of Oude, the latest acquisition of the British, 
where the disciplined army of the late king formed a nucleus 
around which were gathering the fragments of the insurgents 
defeated and driven from other parts of India. We have already 
noted the beleaguerment, late in June, of a large body of Eu- 
ropeans, including many women and children, in Lucknow, and 
General Havelock's gallant attempt to relieve them, toward the 
close of September. At the head of a few thousand men he 
fought his way through greatly superior numbers of the insur- 
gents, and was just in time to prevent the Residency, where the 
Europeans were besieged, from being captured. His force not 
being sufficient to protect the retreat of the women and children 
to Cawnpore, he remained at the Residency, the garrison of which 



444 BRITISH INDIA. 

was strengthened by a portion bf bis troops, the remainder fall- 
ing back upon Cawnpore. Lucknow was held by 50,000 in-- 
pnrgents, who pressed the siege of the Residency with great vigor 
and the position of the defenders was extremely critical. Sir 
Colin Campbell, the commander-in-chief, having collected i Jon- 
siderable body of troops at Cawnpore, set out on the 9th of No- 
vember, 1857, for the relief of Lucknow, 

The distance between Cawnpore and Lucknow is fifty-three 
miles, for the first fifty of which the road was tolerably clear, 
but the last three miles ran through a succession of strong posi- 
tions, occupied by large bodies of the enemy. These were car- 
ried after desperate fighting, in which the insurgents suffered 
terribly — two thousand dead being carried from one of them — 
and on the 16th communication was opened with the besieged. 
It now became necessary to execute the second and more diffi- 
cult part of the plan of the commander — the removal of the 
garrison, including a thousand women and children, through the 
masses of the enemy. The line of retirement resembled a tor- 
tuous lane, affording numerous points for attack. 

Sir Colin had recourse to. stratagem. The enemy still held 
almost the whole of the city. A vigorous fire was directed 
upon one of their strong positions, in order to induce them to 
suppose that a serious attack was designed upon* it ; and at 
midnight of the 22d, when a breach had been effected, the 
English silently decamped in the opposite direction, and suc- 
ceeded in passing unmolested through the dangerous lane, 
carrying the garrison and all the valuable stores from the Re- 
sidency. So completely were the enemy deceived, that they 
ke'pt up a fire upon the British positions in Lucknow for hours 
after they had been abandoned. 

On the third day after leaving Lucknow, General Havelock, 
the hero of the campaign, died of dysentery, brought on by 
excessive fatigue and anxiety. 

Dr. Duff thus describes the character of General Havelock. 
"I knew him personally, having been privileged to make his 
acquaintance many years ago under the hospitable roof of the 
late revered Dr. Marshman, of Serampore, whose son-in-law he 






- — 11,^;]: 



, I. July 






\l , ' 






SI f ill iiiiiliBiiii! 




THE EUROPEAN PERIOD 447 

was. Somevvliat stern and reserved he was in manner, yet you 
could not be long in his presence without finding that he was 
a man who feared God, and that, fearing God, he feared nought 
else besides. It was this holy reverential fear of God that was 
the real source of his undaunted Courage in the discharge of 
duty, at whatever peril to life or fortune. His, in this respect, 
was the genuine spirit of the old English Puritan, the very 
Bpirit of Oliver Cromwell and his compeers. And the tendency 
was to turn the British soldiers, under his exclusive moulding, 
into a phalanx of modern Ironsides. He was the first of our 
generals who distinctly recognized the hand of God in his sur- 
prising victories over the mighty host of rebel mutineers. * By 
the blessing of God, I have captured Cawnpore,' were the first 
words of his memorable telegraphic dispatch from that scene Oi 
one of the strangest and bloodiest tragedies ever enacted on the 
-stage of time. Faithful as a patriot warrior to his earthly sov- 
ereign, he lived to receive from her gracious Majesty a first in- 
stalment of honor and reward, and to hear how a grateful coun- 
try had hailed his great services with unbounded admiration 
and applause. But faithful also as a soldier of the Cross to his 
Sovereign in the skies, he has now gone to receive a far greater 
honor, and inherit a vastly nobler recompense of reward. He 
has gone, ripe in grace, to fructify in glory I What a transition I 
From the confused noise of battle, to the hallelujahs of angels ! 
From garments rolled in blood, to the pure white robes of the 
redeemed in Immanuel's Land ! " 

General Windham, "the hero of the Redan" at Sebastopol, 
had been left behind in command at Cawnpore, with orders not 
to risk an engagement. But hearing that the " Gwalior Con- 
tingent," a body of the insurgents, were advancing, he marched 
out, and defeated a portion of them on the 25th. They re- 
newed the attack on the two following days, and defeated 
Windham, with considerable loss in men, stores, and equipage. 

Intelligence of this disaster reached Sir Colin Campbell, who 
set out at once for the scene of action, marched thirty-eight miles 
in fifteen hours, drove back the victors, and then returned to pr^- 

• 

tide for the safety of the fugitives from Lucknow. Tbi"* ^^^ving 



.448 BRITISH INDIA. 

been secured, he attacked tlie Gwalior men on the 6th of De- 
cember, defeated tliein again, and })ut tlioni to Might. The 
fugitives were pursued by General Grant, Vv'ho, coming up with 
tliem as they were attempting to cross the Ganges into Oude, 
attacked them with great spirit, and, after lialf an hour's can- 
nonade, took fifteen guns, a large quantity of ammunition and 
Btores, without losing a single man himself. 

Dr. Duff, in his letter of December 8th, 1857, gives the fol- 
lowing account of the mutiny at Chittagong. " The three com- 
panies of sepoys in charge of the treasury, jail, &c., at Chitta- 
gong, the capital of the district of that name, at the south-east- 
ern extremity of Bengal, round the head of the bay, mutinied 
in November. The circumstances are suggestive. These men 
* had so long continued, to all appearance, * stanch and loyal, 
that even the most sceptical were beginning to think sepoy faith- 
fulness not absolutely impossible. In proof of their fidelity, 
they forwarded a petition not long ago to government, begging 
to be allowed to remain where they were for another year, as the 
time of their removal, in the ordinary course of rotation, was 
nigh at hand. The government, in cheerfully acceding to their 
request, sent also a letter complimenting them on the excellence 
of their conduct. This letter reached them on Sunday, 15th 
November, and on the evening of Wednesday, the 18th, about 
11 p. M., they suddenly rose in open mutiny, and promptly went 
to work after the most approved and stereotyped fashion I 

" First of all they rush to the- houses of the Europeans, civil 
and military, bent on the destruction of their inmates. Happily, 
these, with a single exception, escaped the intended massacre by 
a hurried flight, mostly in their night-clothes — some on board 
ships, others into boats up the river, and others still into the 
neighboring jungles. The civil commissioner, who had con- 
cealed himself in the compound or court-yard of his house, dis- 
tinctly heard the mutineers asking for him. Next they set fire 
to their own lines ; killing the native jailer, they liberated the 
convicts ; blew up the magazine; robbed the treasury. Having 
then bestowed bountiful largesses on the mosques, and loaded 
the Company's elephants with their plunder, they marched 






THE EUROPEAN PERTOD. 449 

northward in the direction of Tipperah, with tlie bJessiriprs of the 
faquirs, exckiming : 'We liave obtained our utmost wish, but 
have not succeeded in killing the Feringhee dogs.' 

"Immediately on the report of the mutiny reaching Dacca, 
the next principal station to the north west, it w<is resolved to 
attempt to disarm the two companies of sepoys and small body 
of nitive artillerymen located there. The non-combatants hav- 
ing been lodged in the house which had been fortified in antici- 
jtiuion of such a contingency, the sailors, who had been sent 
from Calcutta at a time when no British soldiers could be 
spared, proceeded to the lines to enforce the order for disarma- 
ment. The men were evidently well prepared ; as the sailors, 
headed by the authorities, were at once received with volleys of 
musketry and showers of grape. A stubborn fight ensued, in' 
which two or three of the seamen were killed, and several 
wounded. But British pluck and bravery, as usual, though 
against heavy odds, won the day. After a resistless charge, the 
guns and magazine were got possession of; and the sepoys, 
fairly beaten, took to flight, leaving behind them about forty 
killed and many wounded. One correspondent from the place 
writes : ' Had it not been for our handful of marines, who 
fought right gallantly, where would we have been now ?' And 
another: 'Had the sepoys here overpowered our seamen, who 
were scarcely ninety in number, perhaps we should not. have beea 
alive at this time. But God has been very mei*ciful, and to him 
we would render our most earnest thanks.' " 

In the early part of December, while in the neighborhood of 
Lucknow, where the rebels were employed in strengthening the 
fortifications, Sir Colin Campbell was suddenly applied to ft r 
a rt;ip,forcement to the garrison at Cawnpore. This place wai 
a.-sailed by a well organized force of twenty-five Jhousar.id 
•fei>els and fifty guns. Sir Colin arrived at Cawnpore with a 
strong force just in season to save the place, and to relieve the 
garrison, who had been engaged in a severe and bloody contest 
with the enemy. 

Sir Colin remained at Cawnpore, collecting a large force for 
the final siege of Lucknow. That place being the capital of 
38* 



450 BRITISH INDIA. 

Oude, with a population variously estimated from 300,000 to 
500,000, its recapture was considered a matter of prime im- 
portance. 

Meantime the rebellion was raging in every direction around. 
Twice the communication between Cawnpore and Delhi was 
cut oif, and ha<] to be reopened by the hard lighting, first by 
(JSreathed's, and again, tv»'0 months after, by Seaton's column 
The commander in-chief had to encounter some severe contesia 
before he could re-occupy Tuttehghur, where a Mohammedan 
Navvab had set up for king, collecting revenues and adminis- 
tering justice in his own wild way. Jung Bahadoor, the Ne 
paulese chief, as Sir Colin's ally, with his Ghoorkas, after some 
hard fighting, occupied Gooruckpore, to the east of Oude, 
dispersing the forces of Mohammed Ilossein, the self-installed 
ruler of that place. 

During the month of February, 1858, various minor skir- 
mishes and engagements took place along the eastern and 
western frontiers of Bengal, in Northern Behar, and in Central 
India, while vast preparations were in progress under the eye 
of Sir Colin Campbell at Cawnpore, for the final attack on 
Lucknow. 

On the 3d of February, the fort of Saugor, on the Nerbudda, 
was relieved by a force under Sir Hugh Rose. Here four 
hundred Europeans, of whom 190 were women and children, 
had been shut wp for seven months, the surrounding c'uni.rv 
swarming all that time with armed natives in open rebellion. 

On the 1*7 th of February, the almost impregnable stronghcM 
of Rhotosgur was captured. It had been occupied as a ren- 
dezvous by Umer Singh, and other rebel chiefs, since the first 
outbreak of the rebellion ; and from it parties had been sent 
out to scour the country, and especially to plunder and cut the 
t< legraph wires of the Grand Trunk, which were in sight of it. 

0\i the 5th of March the naval brigade, which had gone up 
the river Gogra to Fyzabad, on the eastern frontier of Oude, ir. 
conjunction with a body of Ghoorkas or Nepaulese, gained a 
victory over an army of rebels estimated at 20,000, with sixte-eo 
gHns, dispersing them, capturing eight of the guns with all theii 



THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 451 

aramnnitioTi, and killing tliree or four hundred of the men. The 
rebels Vvere headed by Mohammed Hossein, who had set him- 
self up an k'lDg at Gooruckj)ore. 

In Central India Sir Hugh Rose (who had lately relieved 
Sangor on the Nerbudda), enabled at last to niov^, forced a 
passage named Midnapore, vigorously defended by four or five 
thousand rebels, of whom only six or seven hundred were sepoys. 
This succcess gave Sir Hugh command of the country to Jhan- 
sie — the scene of one of the most horrid of all the recent trage- 
dies, Jhansie itself was subsequently besieged by Sir Hugh, 
who captured it on the 5th of April, killing 1,500 rebels in the 
final assault. 

At Lucknow, on the 11th of March, Sir James Outram's 
force, which was on the left or eastern bank of the Guniti, 
pushed his advance as far as the Iron Bridge, to the north of 
the Residency. There he established his batteries, so as to en 
filade some of the enemy's works, and to command the Stone 
Bridge, which lies still further up the river to the north. The 
escape of the enemy from the city by either of the bridges was 
thus cut off. On the western or right side of the river, on 
which the city is situate. Sir Colin, on the afternoon of the 11th, 
made another advance. After- a very heavy cannonade, another 
of the large palaces usually known by the name of " the Begum," 
which had been turned into a fort, was carried by storm. This 
achievement was effected mainly by a brigade of the 93d High- 
landers. 

Jung Bahadoor, with his Ghoorka force, was to move close 
to the canal on the morning of the 11th ; and was expected to 
take an active part in the subsequent operations. The carial 
crosses the road from Cawnpore, a little beyond Alurabagh, and 
between it and the city. 

At 9 A. M., on the naorning of the 14th of March, a breach 
having been efi'ected in the Imamibarrah, which adjoins the 
walled enclosure of the Kaiserbagh Palace, in which the king 
used to reside, it was carried by storm ; and the troops, follow- 
ing close on the retiring enemy, entered and took complete pos- 
session of the palace. Sir James Outram was then ordered to 



462 BRITTSHINDIA. 

cross the Iron Bridgo. wliich lies coiisideraLly to the north-west 
of the palace, bej'ond the British Residency, and press the enemy 
from that quarter. 

The city was so invested on the west, south, and east, as .o 
prevent all escape of the rebels. The only part open to thera 
was the north or northwest, in the direction of Roliilcund. That 
qiiarter, though not invested, was watched by Brigadier Cainp- 
>eil. xifter the fall of the Kaiserbagh, on whose defense the 
enemy had securely calculated, as by far their strongest position, 
it was reported that they began to stream out of the city in vastN 
numbers. Accordingly, at 2 a. m., on Monday morning, 15th, 
Brigadier Campbell started in pursuit of them ; while General 
Hope Grant advanced toward Sitapore, in the direct road to 
Kohilcund, with the view of intercepting fugitives who might 
be turned off by Brigadier Campbell's movements. 

On the 16th, Sir James Outrara, having secured the iron and 
stone bridges, recrossed the river, advanced and occupied the 
Muchi Phawan or fort, which had been blown up and aban- 
doned by Sir Henry Lawrence at the commencement of the 
siege of the Residency, as also the great Imambarry, both of 
which are in the northern division of modern Lucknow. The 
resistance was slight, compared with that of the previous day. 
On the night of the 16th, a Ghoorka division seized the enemy's 
position in front of Alumbagh, and between it and the city. 

On the nth, the commander-in-chief reported that his advan- 
ces were being gradually pushed on all sides of the line occu- 
pied by the British troops, and that " vast numbers of men, 
armed and unarmed, were evacuating the city by the only out- 
let they possessed, to the north." 

As a result, probably, of these operations, it was reported 
that the rebels had again entered the district of Futtehghur, to 
:he north-west, and that the Nana, with the chief rebels, were at 
Shahjehanpore. 

The rebels who had crossed the Jumna, in the neighborhood 
of Calpee, with the view, as was supposed, of attacking Cawn- 
pore, recrossed the river to the districts on its right or western 
bank. The successes at Lucknow had probably made them 



THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 455 

fear lest, by the time they reached Cawnpore, the conqueror of 
Lucknow would once more be down upon them. 

On the 18th, the British troops were in possession of tho 
greater part of the city ; the inhabitants had fled the city, and 
were in the neighboring villages ; and the Musa Bagh, the last 
post held by the enemy, was expected to fall next day, an attack 
having been organized. 

On the 19th, the last post held by the enemy fell ; the cavalry 
had a most successful pursuit, capturing his remaining guns ; 
the city was completely in possession of the British troops -^ one 
hundred and seventeen guns had been collected, and the enemy 
was in flight toward the north-west. This is the most importan-t 
event since the fall of Delhi. 

On the 2Tth of March, Sir Hugh Kose, with two brigades, 
laid siege to Jhansie, which was held by the rebels, 12,000 
strong.. On the first of April an attempt was made by a 
strong force of the enemy to relieve the city. Without inter- 
rupting the siege. Sir Hugh attacked and dispersed the reliev- 
ing party, and then stormed and took the place, killing three 
thousand of the enemy. 

Matters were now proceeding satisfactorily in Oude. A 
number of native chiefs made their submission to the Chief 
Commissioner, either personally or by their representatives ; 
and the settlement of the country round Lucknow was being 
rapidly made. 

The main body of the Ghoorkas was proceeding to Nepaul, 
which was held by Maun Sing, with TOO men, and two guns ; 
and the Ghoorkas expected little opposition « 

Jung Bahadoor, with his body guard, had already passed 
through Goruckpore. An action with the rebels under Ma- 
homed Hosein, and Colonel Howcroft's force, took place near 
Amorha, in the Goruckpore district, on the 1 7th April. The 
enemy was defeated, and pursued to their intrenchments, losing 
one gun and about one hundred men. 

General Whitelock arrived at Budaon on the 19th April, hav- 
ing at Bhoragurh defeated the Nawab, who fled precipitately. 
Gen. Whitelock captured four guns, and took possession of the 



454 BRITISH INDIA. 

city and palace of the Nawab. Eight guns were afterward 
abandonee by the rebels and taken. Tbe British lost one 
officer killed and two wounded. 

It was reported from Calpee that Tantia Topee, the Rnnee 
of Jhansie, and the Rajahs of Shahgur and Cawnpore, with 
7,000 men ai.d five guns, were encamped at Koch, to oppose 
Sir Hugh Rose. The Rao Sahid, with 1,000 men, and tise 
relics of the Banda Nawab's force, was at Jubulpore with three 
guns, to oppose Gen. Whiteiock at Calpee, where there were 
2,000 men and three guns. 

General Walpole's division defeated the rebels on the 22d 
of April ; four guns were taken, and their baggage, camp 
equipage, &c., captured at Allygunj after a long pursuit. The 
Commander-in-Chief joined Gen. Wal pole's division on the 
2Tth April, and entered Shahjehanpore without opposition on 
the 30th. Brigadier Pennyfather attaeked the rebels on the 
30th April, about ten miles from Bndaon, and defeated them, 
taking several guns. The field force under Gen. Sir Sidney 
Cotton attacked and burnt Tanita on the 25lh April. The 
rebel chief of that place suffered great loss in property; about 
twenty of his followers were killed and wounded in the attack. 
The disarming in the Guzerat proceeded successfully. General 
Walpole's division, on the 15th of April, made an unsuccessful 
attack on the fort at Rowas, which was attended with consid- 
erable loss; four officers and about one hundred men were 
killed. The European troops were obliged to retire, but the 
enemy evacuated the fort in the night, and the column moved 
forward. On the 22d of April, a large body of rebels was en- 
countered opposite Kanouge, and was dispersed with loss of 
four guns, their camp, and 500 or 600 killed. 

Kover Sing, with about 2,000 rebels, although hotly pursued 
}:y Brigadier Douglass, crossed the Ganges on the 5th of April, 
and arrived at Judgespore on the 22d. On the following day, 
a force of 300 men, under Captain Lagrand, which advanced 
from Arrah, having followed the enemy into the jungle, was 
defeated — 133 men and three officers killed. 

Body was taken by Gen. AVhitelock, on the 19th of April, 



THE EUROTEAN PERIOD. 455 

after an engag:emeut in which the enemy lost 500 men and four 
guns. Sir Hugh Rose left on the 27th, and expected first 
to be joined by Gen. Whitelock, and then to. fight the Ranee's 
army, 12,000 strong, encamped at Kooch in advance of Calpee, 
Brigadier Johns, of the Sixtieth Rifles, had been successful in 
reaching Moradad, after three actions, and the capture of Ru- 
jeedabad and Nujeena 

The Moulvie and followers were flying back to Oude. Nana 
Saliib was at Bareilly. The Hindoos were friendly. The 
force under Brigadier Penny, after crossing the Ganges, marched 
on Kukrala ten miles from Budaon. The general and his staff 
were in advance, and came upon a body of horse, which they at 
first took to be a portion of the baggage guard, which had 
marched by a more direct route on the flank of the column. 
The general rode towards it, and when at thirty yards distance 
four guns opened with grape on the party. General Penny 
shortly after was missed, and the command devolved on Colonel 
Jones, of her majesty's 6th carabineers. The troops quietly came 
up, and the action ended in the total defeat of the enemy, one 
gun and two limbers being captured. 

It is not known when General Penny was wounded, but his 
body was recovered after the action close to Kukrala. It ap- 
pears that his bridle arju had been broken by a musket, bail, and 
his horse had then taken fright and carried him close to the 
town, where the rebels rushed upon him, and cut him up wiih 
their swords. The troops which had cora})Osed Brigadier 
Penny's column marched, afier the action at Kukrala, acroKS 
Rohilcund and joined the force of the commander-in-chief, on 
the 3d instant. Shahjehanpoor was occupied without opposi- 
tion, on the 1st of May by the commander-in-chief, who had 
joined Walpole's column. The next day, his excellency, leaving 
a small garrison at Shahjehanpoor, marched on Bareilly. 

On the 3d of May a large body of rebels, headed by the fana- 
tic Moulvie of Lucknow, came down from Mohundie, in Oude, 
cut up a picket of Dekantzowh's horse, plundered the city, 
massacreing many of the inhabitants, and compelled the garri- 
son to take ehelter in the entrenchment round the wall. Briga- 



456 



BRITISH INDIA. 



flier-General Jones, by order of the commander-in-chief, march-ed 
with a strong force towards Shahjehanpoor on the 8th. Bareilly 
was attacked on the 6th by the columns under the Commander 
in-Chief and Brigadier-General Jones. The rebels were driven 
into the city with loss of several guns. The city was enti'^"'" 
occupied by the British on the tth of May. 








CHAPTER XXII. 



CAPTURE OP CALPEE AND GWALIOR — STATE OP THE COUNTRY. 



On page 453 we have noticed the capture of Jhansie, by Sir 
Hugh Rose, which took place on the first of April. The ranee 
of Jhansie, on the capture of the city, fled toward Calpee with 
the remnant of her force. 

On the 9th of April, the fugitive ranee of Jhansie arrived at 

Calpee with about 2,000 men ; and the fort at that place was 

occupied by an entire regiment of the Gwalior contingent, and 

between the fort and town, half another regiment of the con- 

39 (45t) 



458 BRITISHINDIA. 

tingent, and a new levy of the same strength, with six guns, 
were in a strong position. Further down the banks of the 
Jamna, the bridge over which had been destroyed, there were 
io position 350 men, of a regiment called Godfrey's regiment, 
the remainder of which was stationed at apoint called Indur 
Chowrassie. Outside the city were 500 Willayatees, and 1,000 
newly-raised horse, and inside were 350 Mewatties, and two 
parties of the same, numbering 150 each, under the command 
of the rajah of Kurrukpore and another. Twelve elephants 
were with the force which was under the supreme command of 
Rao Sahib, nephew of the Nana, during the absence of Tantia 
Topee. The chief authority in the city was held by a pundit, 
named Dada Sahib. The force of the ranee of Jhansie was sta- 
tioned with its two guns at Murgaon, a short distance from Cal- 
pee, on the Jhansie road, where it threw up entrenchments, and 
awaited the expected approach of Sir Hugh Rose, whose move- 
ments are explained in the following telegrams from that 
officer : — 

" Poonah, Uh May. 
" As soon as Jhansie, and my sick and wounded, whom I 
leave there, and the road from Jhansie to Goonah, were secured 
from the advance of the Kotah rebels and the late garrison of 
Chundeeree, which made incursions on the road after the cap- 
ture of Jhansie, I marched with the first brigade from Jhansie 
to Poonah on Calpee. I had previously, on the 21st ultimo, 
sent Major Gall with two squadrons of the 14th dragoons, and 
three nine-pounders, on the road to Calpee, to watch the move- 
ments of the enemy, and to support Major Orr, whom I had 
sent from Jhansie across the Betwa to Mhow, to clear that part 
of the country of rebels, and with orders to rejoin me on the 
road to Calpee. Major Orr found no rebels. My second bri- 
gade, with the exception of the portion left for the protection 
of Jhansie, having joined me to-day, I march to-morrow against 
Konch, where Tantia Topee and the ranee of Jhansie, have con- 
centrated a considerable force of sepoys, for the purpose of 
opposing ray advance to Calpee. Sir Robert Hamilton, at my 
request, h^s written to General Whitlock to move on." 



.->..^ 



THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 459 

The advance upon Konch took place as intended, on ibe fol- 
lowing day. The rebels had thrown up strong entrenchments 
for protecting the town from the Aile and Jhansie roads by 
which Sir Hugh was marching on it. These, however, were 
corned by a flank movement, and the attack upon the town, 
and its results are described in the following telegram, 
dated : — 

" Konch, May Sth. 

*' After having driven the enemy's infantry and cavalry out 
of the woods into the town, with artillery fire, I stormed the 
town with my first brigade in skirmishing order, covered on 
each flank by cavalry and artillery ; my second brigade, and 
Major Orr supporting. The Calpee sepoys, seeing they were 
on the point of being cut off from Calpee, returned in a mass 
in that direction, and the town was in our hands in less than 
an hour 

"I pursued the enemy with horse-artillery and cavalry for 
more than eight miles, the former firing into thera, the latter 
charging them. The artillery and cavalry were so completely 
exhausted by the long day's march, the intense heat and the 
day's operations, that they could go no further. We took 
eight guns and quantities of ammunition and tents. I had few 
killed or wounded, but some Europeans were among the former, 
and others as well as officers were struck down by the sun, 
which was 115 degrees in the shade. I march on Calpee to- 
morrow." 

A subsequent telegram, dated Oraia, May the 10th, states : — 
' " Four more guns abandoned by the enemy have been taken. 
The inhabitants of this place report that the sepoys, after their 
defeat at Konch, passed through there with numerous wounded 
in a state of despair, declaring that an entire battalion, the 
32d Bengal native infantry, had been destroyed, and now thoy 
had norefngebut the Jumna. The enemy's loss at Konch, accord- 
ing to to-day's account, was 100 killed besides their wounded. 
We would have destroyed nearly the whole of them, only that 



460 BRITISH INDIA. 

the intense heat, and the great fatigue, paralyzed the strength 
of both men and horses." 

After a necessary but short delay to recruit the exhausted 
energies of our troops, Sir Hugh Rose put his division again 
in motion for Calpee, and, on the 16th of the month, arrived 
before that place. Here he joined Brigadier Maxwell, whose 
column already occupied a position on the left bank of the 
Jumna, from whence a heavy fire was opened upon the town 
on the 22d of May. The fire was to be kept up until 8 a.m. 
of the 23d, after which the assault was to be made ; but in the 
course of the 22d, the rebels, at bay, desperately attacked the 
front and right wing of Sir Hugh's camp, and the latter arm 
being hard pressed, the camel corps was brought up, and the 
enemy being charged with the bayonet took to flight. The 
English line then moved forward, and the rout became general. 
Calpee being the last retreat of the rebels in that part of the 
country, they had sworn to destroy the European force, but 
after firing a few shots they fled, leaving the town and fort in 
the hands of Sir Hugh and^-his victorious troops. The cavalry 
and horse-artillery were forthwith dispatched in pursuit, and 
coming up with the fugitives destroyed a great number of them, 
and took all their guns and ammunition. In the town and 
fort, foundries and manufactories of cannon and small-arm? 
were found undamaged, with several brass guns, and in the fort 
a subterraneous magazine was discovered, containing 4,000 
barrels of gunpowder, and an immense quantity of ordnance 
stores. 

After the severe punishment inflicted upon the insurgent 
forces by Gederal Sir Hugh Rose at Calpee, the fugitive rebels, 
with the ranee of Jhansie, her general, Tantia Topee, and the 
nawab of Banda, at their head, fled to Indoorkee, on the road 
to Gwalior, where they were joined by Rahim Ali and Koogar 
Danlap Sing, who brought with them about 1,500 men, and a 
few light guns ; and here measures were concerted for an attack 
upon Scindia in his capital, in revenge for the fidelity he had 
preserved toward the English government. 

With the capture of Calpee the labors of the Central India 



THE EUilOPEAN PERIOD. 461 

field force seemed at the moment to have terminated. The Uist 
gtrongliold of the enemy was supposed to have fallen, and with 
it his guns, stores, and munitions of war : thus there appeared 
Ho object of sufficient magnitude and importance to demand the^ 
combined energies of the several brigades of wiiich that force 
was composed. Sir Hugh Rose had suffered so fearfully from 
exposure, and from repeated attacks of sun-stroke, that he had 
resolved to decline further active service, and to proceed by 
Allahabad to Bombay on sick certificate ; but, previous to his 
intended departure, the gallant general announced the breaking- 
up of the force, and took leave of the brave men under his 
command in a spirited and eloquent general order, which came 
home to the hearts of his soldiers. The document, written with 
a considerable degree of pathos, at once expressed the heartfelt 
sincerity of the writer, and excited feelings of deep sympathy 
for the failing hero throughout the force he had so often led to 
victory. 

The address to the troops ran as follows : 

" Head-quarters, Camp, Calpee, 1st June. 

** Soldiers I — You have marched more than a thousand miles, 
and taken more than a hundred guns. You have forced your 
way through mountain passes, and intricate jungles, and over 
rivers. You have captured the strongest forts, and beaten the 
enemy, no matter what the odds, whenever you met him. You 
have restored extensive districts to the government ; and peace 
and order now exist, where before, for a twelvemonth, were 
tyranny and rebellion. You have done all this, and you never 
had a check. I thank you with all sincerity for your bravery, 
your devotion, and your discipline. When you first marched, 
I told you, that you, as British soldiers, had more than enough 
of courage for the work which was before you, but that courage 
without discipline was of no avail ; and I exhorted you to let 
discipline be your watchword. You have attended to my 
orders. In hardships, in temptations, and dangers, you have 
obeyed your general, and you have never left your ranks ; you 
have fought against the strong, and you have protected the 
rights of the weak acd defenseless — of foes as well as of friends. 
89* 



462 BEITISHINDIA. 

I have seen you, in the ardor of tlie combat, preserve and place 
children out of harm's way. This is the discipline of Christian 
soldiers, and it is what has brought you triumphant from the 
shores of Western India to the waters of the Jumna, and es- 
tablishes, without doubt, that you will find no place befoTe 
which the glory of your arms can be dimmed." 

This gratifying tribute to his brave followers had scarcely 
been issued, when the general received intelligence which con- 
vinced him that the proposed distribution of his force, and his 
own retirement from active service, must, for the present at 
least, be postponed. Gwalior, the capital of Scindia's domin- 
ions, had fallen into the hands of the rebels, and the chief him- 
self was a fugitive in the English camp. 

It will be in memory, that early in July of the preceding 
year, nearly the whole of Scindia's army — the Gwalior contin- 
gent, numbering close on 12,000 men, as well armed and disci- 
plined as any troops in India — had joined the insurrection, and, 
from that time, had formed one of the most formidable bodies 
in arms against the government. It was these men who shut 
up General Windham in Cawnpore, and were only driven from 
their prey by the hurried return of the commander-in-chief from 
Lucknow. A large portion of them then joined the rebel gar 
risons of Jahansie and Calpee, considered strongholds pecu- 
liarly capable of maintaining an obstinate and protracted 
resistance. Of the whole Gwalior contingent, some 6,000 only 
remained faithful to the maharajah when the bulk of his force 
abandoned him ; and the time had now arrived when their 
fidelity also gave way, under the pressure of circumstances and 
the influence of religious hatred. 

From the time of the defeat at Konch, Gwalior was looked 
to by the discomfited rebels as a city of refuge ; and as soon 
as. Calpee fell, a general rush in that direction was made. The 
approach of the rebel bands was announced ; and Scindia, who 
had abundant cause to doubt the soundness of the troops that 
remained with him, determined nevertheless to abide the storm, 
and bear it as he best might, inasmuch as his repeated appeals 
to the governor-general for European aid, to avert the dangei 



THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 463 

he well knew to be impending, had been without any beneficial 
result. 

Some days before the fall of Calpee, it had become known 
that the rebel leader, Tantia Topee, had moved away from that 
place to the westward, with a portion of the force under his 
command ; and his destination, not apparent at the time, after- 
ward turned out to be Gwalior. On arriving near that place, 
he separated himself from the troops he had brought with him, 
and proceeded, with a few trusty adherents, to the cantonments, 
where the remaining troops of the contingent were quartered ; 
and there he occupied himself in tampering with the soldiers, 
and preparing them to welcome the rebels, whom he foresaw 
would very shortly be on their route thither from Calpee ; and 
his intrigues were, as seen in the sequel, too successful. 

Shortly after daybreak on the 1st of June, scouts reported 
that the rebels, driven from Calpee, were approaching the capi- 
tal ; and a short time sufficed to prove the correctness of the 
intelligence. They came on in great strength, under the 
nominal command of the Rao Sahib, nephew of the Nana; but 
as soon as they came near the place, Tantia Topee emerged 
from his shelter and assumed command. With the force, also, 
was the ranee of Jhansie — a woman whose conduct was not to 
be scanned by the usual tests applied to her sex, since, but for 
her relentless cruelty to the Europeans at her capital on the 8th 
of June, 185T, she might have been looked upon as deserving 
admiration, if not entitled to respect. That she had been 
goaded to a desperate and unpitying revenge by some real or 
imaginary wrong perpetrated by the Company in carrying out 
their favorite system of annexation, was one among many 
questions of a similar kind forced by events upon public con- 
sideration ; and supposing her sincere in a belief that territory 
had been .unjustly taken from her, her conduct (setting aside 
her cruelty) had something of the stamp of heroism about it. 
Perfectly Amazonian in courage and example, she led het 
troops to the field in person, armed, and actually fighting like 
a man, stimulating her followers to contend to the last against 



4C4 BRITISH INDIA. 

the Feringhees, and at length seaJing her testimony against 
them by a soldier's death upon the field. 

The enemy's force, as it approached the capital of Scindia, 
consisted of 4,000 cavalry, *7,000 infantry, and twelve guns ; 
and for the most part, it was composed of well-disciplined 
soldiers, belonging to the Bengal army and to several of the 
contingents that had fallen into the stream of revolt, and who 
were all exasperated by the successive disasters that had be-, 
fallen them in their various conflicts with the British troops. 
They had now, however, opponents of different mettle — men 
of their own country and faith, and of numbers far inferior to 
their own ; and in the present instance, therefore, success was 
far from improbable, since, besides the sword, they had the 
rallying cry of " Deen 1" and the standard of the prophet to 
exercise a powerful influence on their behalf. The force of the 
maharajah consisted of 600 cavalry (forming his body-guard), 
6,000 infantry, and eight guns ; and on the morning of the 
1st of June, placing himself at their head, Scindia marched 
out to encounter the advancing enemy. The forces met, shortly 
after daybreak, upon a plain about two miles from Morar — the 
cantonment of Gwalior; and so soon as the guns of the maha- 
rajah opened upon the rebels, about 2,000 of their cavalry 
made a desperate charge upon them, cut down the gunners, and 
secured the guns. The maharajah's body-guard fought with 
great determination for the protection of their chief and the 
recovery of the guns, and had above 200 killed in the attempt; 
but the moment the guns were captured, 2,000 of the Gwalior 
troops went over in a body to the enemy, and fired upon such 
of their comrades as remained loyal. After a short time, the 
whole of the force, with the exception of the body-guard, either 
fled from the field or joined the ranks of the enemy. Under 
such circumstances of treachery and defection, it was useless to 
attempt further opposition, and Scindia fled with the remnant 
of his guard to Agra, whither they were hotly pursued by the 
rebel cavalry. — The Baeza Bsea (widow of a former prince of 
Gwalior), vy^ith Scindia's family, had already escaped from the 
capital to Sepree, and were in safety ; but the principal officers 



THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 465 

and attendants of the maharajah's court, only preserved their 
lives by scattering themselves over the country in all directions, 
and in disguise. 

As soon as Scindia had fled, the rebels entered and took 
possession of his capital, where they attempted to, form a regu- 
hir government. The arch-traitor, Nana Sahib, was chosen as 
Peishwa, or chief of the Mahratta confederacy of prmces. 
Rao Sahib was appointed chief of Gwalior; and Ram Rao 
Govind, an individual who had some time before been dis- 
missed Scindia's service for dishonesty, became prime minister. 
These selections were assented to by the traitors of the late 
army of Scindia, as well as by the other rebels, who w^ere all 
gratified with a certain number of months pay for their services 
in the achievement that had ended in the plunder of the capital. 
The army, constituted as the present one had been, presented, 
however, a great difficulty to the new government. The insur- 
gents from Calpee and the newly-revolted troops of Scindia, 
had certainly worked together for a common object in the 
present instance ; but there was an ill-feeling among them ; 
and nothing could overcome it but a liberal distribution of 
money, partly as arrears of pay, and partly as a reward. The 
greater portion of the rebel force, under the immediate com- 
mand of the ranee of Jhansie, remained outside of the city, 
encamped in a large garden called the Phool Bagh, and to this 
female leader was entrusted the charge of protecting all the 
approaches to the city. The property of the principal inhabi- 
tants was sequestered, as a punishment for their real or alleged 
adherence to the maharajah and his British allies ; and the im- 
mense treasure belonging to the former, which he had been 
unable to remove from the palace before his flight, was betrayed 
into the hands of the rebel chiefs by the late treasurer of the 
fugitive prince ; and by this means they were enabled to reward 
their troops with pay and gratuities. The whole of the royal 
property was confiscated ; and four Mahratta chieftains of the 
district of Shekawattee, who had some time previously offended 
Scindia by declaring their independence, and had been captured 
and imprisoned by him for so doing, were set at liberty by the 



466 BRITISH INDIA. 

new authorities, and received insignia and dresses of honoi 
from the plundered treasury, on condition of raising forces in 
their several localities to oppose any British troops who might 
attempt to cross the Chumbnl and approach the capital. Tlie 
civil station, or residency, was plundered and burnt ; the prisons 
opened ; and such among the inmates as were likely to be 
useful, by their daring or cunning, were appointed to active 
duties. Letters of invitation were dispatched to the rajahs-«f 
all the adjacent districts, assuring them of the ultimate success 
of the native arms, and calling upon them to present themselves 
and their levies at the seat of the new government. 

It has already been mentioned that Sir Hugh Rose had issued 
a valedictory address to the troops under his command, and 
was about to relinquish further active service, when intelligence 
of the events at Gwalior reached him. The moment he learned 
that his presence was required to the northward of Calpee, he 
changed his plan, and made arrangements to head a force for 
the recovery of Gwalior, and there consummate the work he 
had hoped had been already brought triumphantly to its close. 
General Whitlock was summoned to garrison Calpee ; and Sir 
Hugh Rose, pushing forward his army in divisions, under 
Brigadiers Stuart and Napier, followed with the last division 
on the 6th of June for Gwalior. The march from point to 
point occupied nine days, and was performed without a single 
interruption. On the evening of the 15th, the troops were 
within ten miles of the cantonments ; and the general, with a 
strong guard, advanced to reconnoitre. He found the canton- 
ments occupied by small parties of cavalry and infantry — the 
great mass of the rebel troops having retired on the town. 
Meanwhile, Brigadier Smith's brigade from Sepree, which had 
been joined by Major Orr's force from Jhansie, moved on in 
advance of the main body, and occupied a position at Kota- 
ki-Serai, five miles south of the fort. After a brief reconnais- 
sance, Sir Hugh ordered an advance on the Morar cantonment, 
which was about three miles from the town, and separated from 
it by the Suwarnarekha River. The troops advanced, and 
drove the enemy before them ; part of the rebel force, with the 



THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. • 467 

gnns, escaped over a bridge into the town ; but a considerable 
number were driven along the whole length of the cantonments, 
being cut oflf from the line of retreat by the horse-artillery. As 
this portion of the rebel force emerged from the cantonments, 
they were charged and destroyed in great numbers by the list 
regiment ; but some of them, who had posted themselves in an 
intrenched nullah, made a desperate resistance. A party of the 
sepoys had taken refuge from the pursuing horse-artillery in a 
deep and narrow nullah, out of which they kept up a brisk and 
annoying fire of musketry. A company of the list Highlanders 
came up, and went straight at the ditch, where the leading 
officer, Lieutenant Wyndhara Neave, was shot ; but the next 
moment his men were down among the rebels, and his death 
was sternly avenged. The spot was too confined for the use 
of fire-arms, and a terrific contest between the bayonet and 
tulwar ensued. Steadily the European bayonet bore down the 
native weapon — the wounded sepoy hugging the steel that 
pierced him, to deliver with his failing strength one last cut at 
bis opponent. All that hate and despair could do in this 
mortal struggle was done, but in vain ; not one single sepoy 
left the ditch alive. Of the Highlanders, besides Lieutenant 
Neave, three were killed, and five more or less severely wounded. 
The corpses of the sepoys numbered forty-three within the 
nullah, and sixty at a short distance from it. The day closed 
with the occupation of the Morar cantonment and the severe 
punishment of the enemy, who, however, continued to hold the 
town and fort, with the heights to the eastward of it. 

While Sir Hugh's force was still assembling in advance of 
Indorekee, Sir Robert Hamilton, present with the army as tlw3 
governor-general's agent, sent a dispatch to Scindia, at Agra, 
requesting him to jiove down at once to the Chumbul, that he 
might be in readiness to present himself at Gwalior immediately 
upon its being occupied by the British, or even previous to tin- 
assault. Accordingly, on the evening of the 13th, the maharajah 
quitted Agra with all his followers, escorted by a body of 
English horse, under Captain Meade. On the 15th, he had 
reached Dholpore, where he found a division of the army, under 



468 BRITISH INDIA. 

Colonel Riddell, encamped. Here the raaharajah was joined 
bj a great number of fugitives, who had deserted from the 
enemy at Gwalior. On the 16th, heavy firing was heard in the 
direction of that place, thirty-seven miles distant ; and the night 
had not closed when an express arrived from Sir Thomas 
Hamilton, announcing the capture of the Morar cantonment, 
and urging the advance of the maharajah. Scindia at once 
mounted, and, escorted by Meade's horse, crossed the river, and 
took the road to his capital. 

Early in the morning of the Itth, Brigadier Smith's column 
was at Kota-ki-Serai — ten miles from Gwalior, on the river 
Oomrar : beyond this point the road crosses or winds among 
successive ranges of hills, till the plain in which Gwalior lies is 
attained. Below, and in front of one of these ranges, when 
morning broke, the*enemy's pickets were observed from Kota- 
ki-Serai. Skirmishing parties of infantry were immediately 
thrown across the stream, and a squadron of the 8th hussars 
followed to reconnoitre. These were soon after fired upon from 
a concealed battery of three guns. An advance in force was 
then ordered ; the cavalry charged and took the battery, and 
the infantry at the same time carried and occupied the first 
range of heights. On the English side. Lieutenant Reilly, of 
the 8th, was killed, or died of sun-stroke, and two other oflBcers 
were wounded. The loss on the side of the enemy must have 
been considerable ; but the most important incident of the day 
was the death of the ranee of Jhansie, either by the bullet of a 
rifle or a splinter of a shell. This extraordinary female, whose 
age did not exceed twenty years, was in the dress of a mounted 
officer, superintending the movements of the cavalry on the 
field, and sharing in all the dangers of the struggle, when struck 
down. Her body was surrounded by her ^uard while a pile 
was raised, and it was then burnt upon the scene of her daring, 
to prevent its being profaned by. the touch of the Feringhees, 
whom she so mortally hated. 

On the following day (the 18th), Brigadier Smith's force 
remained quiet, merely exchanging long shots with the enemy 
«n the next range of heights, from whence the fire was suffi- 



THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 469 

ciently good to be annoying. Sir Hugh Rose, pert'eiving that 
the strong positions of the enemy lay all in front of this officer, 
whose force alone was not sufficient to carry them, determined 
to join him by a flank march with the greater part of his 
division, and by a circuit of twelve miles to his left, through 
Kota-ki-Serai. The following day, reconnaissances of the 
positions of the enemy on the heights were made by Sir Hugh 
Rose ; and the day being far spent in the examination, orders 
were given to encamp, as nothing more seemed requisite than 
to keep the enemy at a distance until the morning. Emboldened 
by this appearance of inactivity, the rebel leaders redoubled 
their practice with the guns, and at length it was found neces- 
sary to resort to active operations to put a stop to it. The 
order was given for the whole force to advance — the 86th, iis 
skirmishing order, on the left; the list, in similar order, on 
the right ; and the 95th, the Bombay 25th, and 10th native 
infantry supporting. A three-gun battery, which had chiefly 
annoyed the camp, was stormed by the 86th, and the guns 
captared, together with the heights on the left ; the 71st carried 
those on the right at the same time. All the high ground 
cleared, the enemy's force — strong in cavalry and artillery — 
appeared drawn up in the plain below, which was about a mile 
in briadth. Against these, with the rapidity of the mountain 
torrent, the hussars and Bombay lancers poured down, the 
infantry skirmishers advancing at the same time ; but the rebels 
awaited not the conflict, and fled in all directions. The extreme 
left of the British line was, however, threatened by another 
body of the mutineers ; and the skirmishers, who had outrun 
their supports, were now compelled to slacken their pace and 
restrain their ardor. A company of the 95th regiment, rein- 
forced by some men of the 86th, now swept along the heights, 
and captured two guns at the point of the bayonet. The rebels, 
after a feeble resistance, fled at all points ; and after a running 
fight of about five hours' duration, the town of Gwalior was 
occupied by the British troops, the enemy leaving twenty-seven 
guns in the hands of the victors, and flying in the direction of 

Kerowlee and Jeypore. To dispose of these fugitives before 
40 



470 BRITISH INDIA. 

they should have time to collect together and arrange further 
plans of mischief, Brigadier Napier was dispatched, with a 
flying column of cavalry and horse-artillery, in pursuit, while 
other columns watched their flanks. Coming up with the rebels, 
on the 20th and 21st, the brigadier cut them up fearfully, taking 
twenty-five more guns, and an immense quantity of ammunition, 
which they were carrying off. In a telegram announcing the 
result of the pursuit, the enemy are described as " lying killed 
in every direction, along some miles of country." The brigadier 
returned from the "death-chase" on the 23d, having, among 
other trophies of his successes, the person of Ameer Chund 
Buttye, the faithless treasurer of the maharajah, whom he had 
saved from the sword for a traitor's death by the halter. 

Immediately on taking possession of Gwalior, a royal salute 
was fired by Sir Hugh Rose to welcome the maharajah back to 
the capital of his dominions, into which, on the 20th of the 
month, he was escorted in state, attended by Sir Robert Ham 
ilton. Sir Hugh Rose and staff, and by all the troops in camp. 
At this moment it was believed that the fort of Gwalior, which 
commanded the town, had been evacuated by the rebels ; and 
it is evident that due precaution had not been taken to verify 
the fact until almost too late. Thus, as the cavalcade passed 
slowly through one of the principal streets of the city, a shot 
from the walls threw the actors in the pageantry into some 
confusion. Fortunately, no harm ensued. A short time before 
the procession entered the town, it had become known to Lieu- 
tenant Rose, of the 28th Bombay native infantry, stationed at 
the Kotwalee, that some Ghazees were still remaining in the 
fort ; but finding they did not exceed from ten to fifteen persons, 
he proposed (in the absence of his superior officer) to Lieu- 
tenant Waller, of the same corps, to go up with their party of 
sepoys, and take the fort by storm. The brother-officer agreed. 
Taking a blacksmith with them to force the outer gate, they 
rushed toward the entrance, which, within the enclosure of the 
rampart, is toward the north end of the east side, first by means 
of a steep road, and higher up by steps cut in the face of the 
rock, of such a size and moderate degree of acclivity, that ele- 



THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 471 

phants easily raake their way up. This huge staircase was 
protected on the outside by a wall, and v,^as swept by several 
traversing guns. Gaining this passage without the slightest 
resistance, they then forced five gates in succession, and gained 
the summit of the fort unhurt. Here they separated their 
little band of twenty into two bodies ; and while Waller^s 
party attacked and shot some men who had fired into the town, 
and had worked a gun at them during their ascent ; Rose's 
followers cut up another party of the rebels, afier a desperate 
hand-to-hand fight on oue of the bastions. From this en- 
counter the gallant officer escaped without a wound ; but imme- 
diately afterward, while turning to speak his men, of whom he 
had got in advance, he was shot through the body, from behind 
a wall, by a Pathan, said to be Raheen Ali of Bareilly, who 
then emerging from his concealment, rushed upon the wounded 
officer, and inflicted two severe cuts with a tulwar. Turning 
from the prostrate officer, the infuriated rebel rushed toward 
Lieutenant Waller and his party, but was pierced with balls 
before he could strike a blow. The wounds of Lieutenant 
Rose unfortunately proved mortal ; and the memory of his 
daring, and the successful achievement by which the fort was 
thrown open to its sovereign and his British allies, was thus 
recorded by Brigadier Stuart (to whose division the gallant 
officer belonged), in the following general order : — 

"Brigadier Stuart has received, with the deepest regret, a 
report of the death of Lieutenant Rose, 25th Bombay native 
infantry, who was mortally wounded yesterday on entering the 
fort of Gwalior, on duty with his men. The brigadier feels 
assured that the whole brigade unites with him in deploring 
the early death of this gallant officer, whose many sterling 
qualities, none who knew him could fail to appreciate." 

The Hindoo prince, known by his designation of Scindia, ia 
whose behalf the force under Sir Hugh Rose was thus success- 
fully employed, represented in his person the most considerable 
of the native powers; as, although not in reality at the head 
of the Mahratta confederacy, he was the strongest member of 
that great league. The relations which the various branches 



472 BRITISH INDIA. 

of that mighty clan, of which he was a chief, had successively 
entered into with the Company's government, were not a little re- 
markable. The true prince of the Mahrattas, by descent, was 
the rajah of Sattara, with w hose claims the British public were 
not unacquainted, in consequence of the efforts made on his 
behalf in parliament, some ten years previous to the time referred 
to. The position, however, of that sovereign family had been 
usurped by its ministers, with one of whom (Bajee Rao, under 
the title of Peishwa) the Indian government came finally into 
collision in the year 1818. The result of this, was the defeat 
and submission of Bajee Rao, who agreed to relinquish every 
political right or claim to the sovereignty, in exchange for an 
annual allowance of eight lacs of rupees, and an asylum at 
Bithoor — a place of sanctity near Cawnpore. The dethroned 
Peishwa, at his death, left no lawful heir; but a pretender to 
bis rights, by adoption, appeared in the person of Nana Sahib, 
whose disappointment at the non-recognition of his claim, was 
alleged to be the cause of his hostility to the Company's gov- 
ernment. The rajah of Berar, another Mahratta chief, had 
died recently without issue, and his dominions had lapsed, in 
default of heirs, to the Company ; and of the great Mahratta 
stock, once so formidable, but three princes now survived to 
exercise territorial sovereignty under British protection — the 
Guicowar at Baroda, Holkar at Oojein, and Scindia at Gwa- 
lior. 

When the mutinies broke out in the North-Western Pro- 
vinces of Bengal, in May, 1851, Scindia and Holkar, whose 
territories were conterminous, and closely adjacent to the dis- 
turbed districts, remained as we have seen, faithful to their 
engagements with the Company ; and the former, who was by 
far the more powerful of the two, displayed considerable judg- 
ment as well as loyalty in the policy he pursued. In y^Hw^ of 
the arrangements subsiding between himself and the Company's 
government, he had maintained, from the revenues of his princi- 
pality, a compact and well-disciplined force of between five and 
six thousand men, as a "contingent" available in aid of the 
Bengal army. This force was organized and officered exactly 



THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 413 

like the sepoy regiments in the service of the Company ; and 
it had proved true to its model in all respects, by joining the 
mutiny at a very early opportunity. At the time of its defec- 
tion, the safety of Britisii India trembled in the balance ; and 
had that body of well-armed and well-disciplined men been con* 
ducted by an able leader toward either Delhi, Agra, or Lucknow, 
the consequences at the moment might have been disastrous in 
the extreme; but Scindia's measures in this emergency were 
taken with great ability. Like other native princes in his posi- 
tion, he retained in his pay, and under his independent control, 
a large military force over and above the "contingent" due to 
the Bengal establishment ; and this force he played off against 
the mutineers. 

The departure of the mutinous contingent at length left 
Seindia with what may be termed his own private army, in his 
capital city of Gwalior ; where, notwithstanding its proximity 
to Kotah and Jhansie (two of the strongholds of the rebels), 
and the general disorganization that pervaded the adjacent 
country, he for a long time maintained himself in perfect secu- 
rity and unshaken allegiance to British rule ; but the moment 
at last arrived when the fidelity of his army gave way before 
the calls made upon it by the discomfited bands from Jhansie 
and Kotah ; and Seindia, despite a valiant resistance, was com- 
pelled to fly from his capital, to which he now returned with 
untarnished honor, and strengthened claims to the confidence 
of the British government. 

The restoration of Seindia to his throne, with all the prestige 
of triumph and of Oriental pomp that circumstances would 
admit of at the moment, was considered necessary, as showing 
to his people that the British government would promptly and 
firmly support a faithful ally, and also as an encouragement to 
other native princes to remain faithful. It was also necessary 
that the victors should be enabled to judge, from his informa- 
tion on the spot, who among the inhabitants of the capital had 
merited punishment, or were justly entitled to reward ; and it 
was deemed a favorable augury, that in the course of tlie pro- 
gress of the maharajah from the camp to the palace, the people 
40* 



4Y4 BRITISH INDIA. 

who lined the streets manifested unequivocal symptoms of re- 
joicing at the restoration of their prince. Immediately upon 
the ceremonial being concluded, the officers of the court resumed 
their duties. The harem of Scindia arrived in safety ; and by 
the night of the 22d of June, few traces of the revolution 
were apparent in the palace of the maharajah. 

The fall of Gwalior had a most excellent effect throughout 
the surrounding districts. Rebels who were looking out in 
Etawah, Agra, and Mynpoorie, for opportunity to rise and 
strike while the English troops should be concentrated and 
engaged before the city, now quietly subsided into a prudent 
inactivity. Lai Sing, the rebel chief of the last-named district, 
surrendered himself voluntarily to the authorities at Agra, only 
stipulating for a trial before execution ; and throughout the 
North-Western Provinces there prevailed a general change of 
tone among the natives. 

The pursuit and dispersion of a portion of the Gwalior 
mutineers, by Brigadier Napier, has already been mentioned ; 
but the remainder of them had also to be disposed of. This 
division of the fugitive army, estimated at from five to six 
thousand in number, had followed Tantia Topee, who, after his 
last defeat, led them across the Chumbul, past Shree Muttra 
and Hindoun, and thence made toward Jeypoor and Bhurt- 
pore, two principal cities of the Rajpoot states, vyhere he ex- 
pected to receive important aid from the discontented chieftains 
of the district. This leader carried with him the crown jewels, 
and an immense treasure belonging to the Scindia, with which 
for some time he was enabled to keep his soldiers together by 
pay and gratuities ; but, for a considerable period, his move- 
ments were involved in obscurity, and no decisive effort was 
made by him to disturb the apparent lull that followed the re- 
conquest of Gwalior. 

Now that the last stronghold, as it was supposed, of th« 
enemy had fallen, with its guns, ammunition, and stores, into 
the hands of its rightful owner, there did not at the time appear 
to be in hand any enterprise of sufficient importance to demand 
the combined services of the different regiments constituting the 



THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 475 

Central India field force ; and Sir Hugh Rose, worn out by 
fatigue and shattered health, through a long continuance of 
active service in hot weather, in which he had marched from 
one side of India to the other — had been five times engaged 
with the enemy, and had captured six strongly fortified towns 
— once more determined to seek that repose he so much needed, 
and which he had anticipated the enjoyment of, after the fall 
of Calpee. At the end of the month, the gallant veteran took 
leave of the army under his command in the following general 
order ; — 

"Head-quarters, Camp, Gwalior, June SOth. 

" The major-general commanding being on the point of 
resigning the command of the Poonah division of the Bombay 
army,* on account of ill-health, bids farewell to the Central 
India field force, and, at the same time, expresses the pleasure 
he feels that he commanded them when they gained one more 
laurel at Gwalior. The major-general witnessed, with satisfac- 
tion, how the troops, and their gallant companions-in-arms, the 
Rajpootana brigade, under General Smith, stormed height after 
height, and gun after gun, under the fire of a numerous field 
and siege artillery, taking finally by assault two eighteen- 
pounders at Gwalior. Not a man in these forces enjoyed his 
natural, strength or health j and an Indian sun, and months of 
marching and broken rest, had told on the strongest; but the 
moment they were told to take Gwalior for their queen and 
country, they thought of nothing but victory. They gained it, 
restoring England's brave and true ally to his throne ; putting 
to complete rout the rebel army ; killing numbers of them, ana 
taking from them in the field, exclusive of fliose in the fort, 
fifty-two pieces of artillery, all their stores and ammunition, and 
capturing the city and fort of Gwalior, reckoned the strongest 
in India. The major-general thanks sincerely Brigadier-general 
Stuart, C.B., and Brigadier Smith, commanding brigades in 
the field, for the very efiBcient and able assistance which they 

* The Central India field force was a branch of the Poonah diYision of the 
army of the Presidency of Bombay, 



416 BRITISH INDIA. 

gave him, and to which he attributes the success of the day. 
He bids them and their brave soldiers, once more, a kind fare- 
well. He cannot do so under better aspects than those of the 
victory of Gvvalior." 

It was admitted by every one, that the repose so much 
desired by the major-general had been well earned by five con- 
secutive months of marching, fighting, besieging, and conquer 
ing, under an Indian sun. On the 12th of January, 1858, he 
had assumed command of the Central India field force at 
Sehore. On the 23d he captured the town of Ratghur ; on the 
28th he defeated the enemy in the field ; and on the 30th, 
captured the fort of Ratghur. On the Yth of February he 
relieved Saugor ; on the 9th, captured the fort of Garra Kotah ; 
and on the 3d of March, forced the pass of Mundenpore; and» 
during the following week, captured a series of strongholds 
that gave him uninterrupted command of Bundelcund. On the 
10th he captured and burnt Churkaree, and occupied Tal 
Beehat. The 1st of April he signalized by the defeat of the 
array of Tantia Topee, near Jhansie ; and on the 3d he followed 
up that victory by the capture of Jhansie itself, crowning the 
exploit, on the Tth, by storming the fort, and dispersing the 
rebel array. On the 1th of May he captured the fort of Konch ; 
and, on that day, thrice fell from his horse from sun-stroke. 
The 20th found him engaged in a severe contest near Calpee, 
which resulted in his driving the rebels into the fort, which, on 
the 23d, he took possession of. On the 16th of June he again 
defeated the enemy near Gwalior; and on the 18th and 19th, 
captured the town and fortress ; and, on the 201h, restored 
Scindia to the throne. With the exception of Havelock, there 
was no general engaged in the war of the revolt, whose opera- 
tions were so numerous, continuous, and uniformly successful, 
as those of Sir Hugh Rose, who now retired to rest under the 
shade of those laurels he had so nobly gathered with his brave 
comrades beneath the scorching sun of India. 

By the time the recovery of Gwalior had been effected, that 
stage of the Indian year approached when the periodical raina 



THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 4TT 

w^^uld intervene to establish, as it were, an armistice, or rather 
an interval of compulsory inactivity, which afforded the adverse 
parties leisure to recruit their strength, and mature their plans 
of future operation. The unbroken chain of successes hitherto 
pursued by the British troops, was not yet likely to terminate 
in the complete pacification of the country. Tantia Topee and 
the nawab of Banda were still at large, beating up for 
adherents ; and the whereabouts of the prime instigator to 
rebellion, Nana Sahib, was still unknown to the authorities, 
despite the enormous reward of £10,000, which had been 
offered for his capture, dead or alive ; but which, hitherto, had 
produced no useful result. It should also be noticed that, 
while matters in the Upper Provinces certainly had acquired 
an improved appearance, the rebels, in detached parties, were 
still occasioning considerable tr^ouble in Lower Bengal. In 
Buxar, cutting down the jungle had ceased for a time, as the 
rebels were reported to have left it; 'and Colonel Douglass, 
with his force, proceeded toward Benares ; but he had scarcely 
advanced more than one march on the route, when he was 
recalled to Buxar, as the dispersed rebels took advantage of 
his absence and had re-occupied the jungle. About the same 
time, another body of mutineers attacked Gya, and the European 
residents had to retreat into the intrenchments. After plunder- 
ing the bazaar, they went to the jail, and released one hundred 
and fifty prisoners. The Nujeebs, in whose charge they were, 
offered no resistance ; and the rebels shortly after left the town 
without committing further depredations, in marked contrast to 
their conduct at other places, where they traced their progress 
by frightful atrocities, and by mutilating or slaying the natives 
in government employ. 

The subjugation of Gwalior, and the reinstatement of Rao 
Scindia in his paternal dominions, were facts in reality of much 
greater importance than at first sight was apparent. That the 
rebels, after being everywhere defeated and dispersed, would 
make for Gwalior as a point of concentration, might have been 
foreseen ; and the maharajah evidently entertained such opinion 
when he repeatedly applied for aid to the governor-general, 



4*IS BRITISH INDIA. 

even to the extent of only half a regiment, to enable him to 
hold out against such an anticipated attempt. Gvvalior being 
the key to the Southern Mahratta country, if the city and fort 
had remained for any length of time in the possession of the 
enemy, the flame of rebellion would have been kindled through- 
out the western presidency, where it was believed all the 
elements for an outbreak were ripe for action. Moreover, with 
Gwalior in the possession of the insurgents, Agra would have 
been in imminent danger ; and no troops could be spared for 
a contingency that might or might not happen, while an actual 
necessity existed for their presence in a distant quarter. 

The Central India field force was entirely broken up after 
the triumphant restoration of the maharajah. For a short time, 
the 95th regiment remained quartered in the rock fort; and 
two of the Queen's regiments of infantry, and one Bombay 
regiment, with detachments of cavalry and artillery, " occupied 
the 2vIorar cantonments. At Jhansie, the 3d Bombay Europeans, 
and 24th Bombay native infantry, with some cavalry and artillery, 
were stationed. The Kajpootana brigade, which, under Briga- 
dier Smith, had rendered good service in the siege of Gwalior, 
was distributed in three portions — one remaining at the latter 
place, the others occupying Sepree and Goonah. These troops 
positively needed a respite from the arduous duty they had so 
long and so well performed ; and to General Roberts, who held 
command of the disposable force in Kajpootana, was entrusted 
the task of intercepting the flight or progress of any rebel force 
that might still be scattered over the country. 

Such, however, was the general aspect of affairs at the end 
of June, that, even at Calcutta, it was believed the Indian 
rebellion was at an end, and that little remained to be accom- 
plished beyond the suppression of brigandage, and the re-estab- 
lishment of order. The insurrection had certainly lost its most 
alarming characteristics, and had dwindled from the dimensions 
of a great military revolt to the limit of mere local disorders. 
No longer did the prestige of an organized and active rebellion 
exist, and no leader of note was known to be abroad with any 
military force of importance. " Matters," said a telegram of 



THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 479 

the 25lh of June, "seem settling down in all parts of India " 
Of the popular chiefs, some had paid the penalty of their foil}' 
and crimes, like the princes of Delhi ; some were slain in tiie 
field, like Koer Sing and the ranee of Jhansie; and others b.ad 
fallen by the hands of their own countrymen, as the moulvie of 
Fyzal)ad. Of those who at this time survived and were al 
liberty, not one held the command of any important fortress, 
or city, or garrison. Feroze Shah, the agile boaster, whose 
only claim to notice, beyond the marked cowardice he had ex- 
hibited, rested upon the fact that he was now the last of the 
Mogul princes to lift a sword against the British rule, dared 
not quit the hiding-place he had found after his flight from 
Bareilly ; while Nana Sahib still continued to conceal himself 
so effectually that no one even could surmise where he might 
be found. Of all the notorieties among the rebel leaders, 
Tantia Topee was now the only one from whose determined 
hdstility and military enterprise danger was likely to spring; 
and he was known to be a fugitive in the midst of a broken and 
discomfited array, without guns or material of war. With 
regard to the Nana, it certainly was a remarkable fact, that a 
man on whose head so magnificent a sum had been set, should 
have escaped capture to this time. Fourteen months had nearly 
elapsed since the perpetration of his atrocities at Cawnpore, 
and eleven since the recovery of Delhi had replaced the British 
government in its capacity of conqueror and master. For 
nearly a year, therefore, it had not only enjoyed the renown of 
victory, but had had the command, more or less, of the terri- 
tories in which the miscreant had lain concealed ; and yet he 
had been ever successful in eluding pursuit oi» discovery. It 
was hardly certain that his route had once been correctly 
tracked, although his person was well known ; and there were 
a:rounds for believing that he had been present at Lucknow, at 
Calpee, and at Bareilly. The circle was, however, now con- 
tractlrg around him and his confederates in crime ; and sanguina 
anticipations were indulged, that the last asylum furnished by 
the wild and but half-cultivdted region in which he was now 
iheltered, would speedily be destroyed. 



480 BRITISH INDIA. 

The Presidency of Bengal, at the period of which we write, 
consisted of three main divisions of territory, which materially 
differed from each other in condition. One of these was formed 
by the country to the east of Oude ; a second, by that to the 
west of the same province ; and the third, by tliat hotbed of 
rebellion, Oade itself. It could warrant no reflection on the 
progress of the British arms, that this central district — the home 
of the sepoy class of the revolted Bengal army — was yet unsub- 
dued ; for its landholders and Cultivators still refused allegiance 
to the British government : many, or rather most, of its terri- 
torial chiefs had been, or were, in arms against the Company's 
rule ; and the entire province was still in a state, if not of active 
insurrection, at least of latent anarchy. In Oude was -held the 
capital with a European garrison superior to all the levies of 
the country, and the British could march out of Luckuow with 
a force sufficient to conquer and scatter abroad any assemblage 
of rebels that might venture to stand before it. To the east of 
Oude, in the old provinces of Bahar and Bengal, trifling dis- 
turbances occasionally demanded repression ; but these were 
merely local, and did not exceed the usual magnitude of gang- 
robbery and marauding. To the west of Oude, however, the 
spectacle was more satisfactory. The vast country comprising 
the districts of Rohilcund and Delhi, which had been the 
original seat of the rebellion,, the scene of its first outbreak, and 
of its most desperate struggles, was now perfectly tranquil, well 
ordered, well organized, and well controlled. This division of 
territory had been attached to the government of the Punjab, 
held by Sir John Lawrence ; and Delhi, under his prudent 
administration, ]jad become as peaceable as Lahore. 

In closing this chapter with a brief glance at the state of the 
insurgent leaders and of the country at Midsummer, 1858, it 
may be fitly observed that, considering at the like period, 
twelve months previous, 150,000 well-organized soldiers were 
in arms against British rule — that they had possession of the 
chief arsenal of the country, and that every thing gave prospect 
of a protracted and perhaps chequered struggle ; it was cer- 
tainly surprising that opportunities so extensive should not 



THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 481 

have brought forward any one example of political or mllirary 
ability in the ranks of the insurgents. Not in all that immense 
army did there exist a single native general, though India had 
ever been, and still was, the country of successful soldiers and 
flourishing adventurers, comprising desperadoes of all the most 
promising races in the world. Arabs, Affghans, Malays, and 
Persians — the free lances of Oriental service, the representa- 
fives of Eastern conquerors, swarmed by thousands in the 
r.ative courts and armies of the country ; and yet not one sol- 
dier worthy of the name had stepped from the crowd. No 
Sivajee ! — no llyder Ali ! — no Runjeet Sing had appeared ou 
the scene. Koer Sing was said to have shown the nearest 
approach to military science in his movements ; but the other 
rebel leaders had proved utterly worthless. The Khan Baha- 
door Khan, who had been raised to the chief command during 
the brTef occupancy of Delhi by the rebels, had his brain 
turned by an overpowering sense of the responsibility imposed 
upon him ; and it is scarcely possible to be accurate as to the 
individual leaders at Calpee, at Cawnpore, or at Gwalior, and 
other scenes of serious conflict. If any distinction was achieved 
at all, in a military sense, by the rebel chiefs, it was achieved 
by women rather than by men I — by the ranee of Jhansie, and 
the begum of Oude I The native troops, whose treacherous 
revolt had carried fire and sword through the country, were 
virtually without a leader for any purpose of combined strategy. 
They certainly remembered the words of command, and the 
evolutions of a parade. They retained the impress of discipline 
and organization so tenaciously, that regiments and brigade* 
hung together until utterly broken up by defeat and dispersion. 
Thus they could go through all the forms of camp or garrison 
duty ; but, in their campaigning, there was no life — no master- 
spirit to guide them. They never made a strategic move- 
jnflont ! — never succeeded in an assault, and scarcely ever 
repelled one. As events showed, they could not even keep 
Bione walls when attacked. Thus they held Delhi only until 
the heavy guns came up and elFected a breach. Lucknow they 
abandoned nfter a faint struggle; and Gwalior they fled from 
41 



482 BRITISH INDIA. 

without defending it at all. They had been beaten in masses 
wherever they dared stand before the armies of Retribution; 
and the survivors of the immense force were now dispersed over 
the country in comparatively insignificant bands, whose only 
means of annoyance consisted in carrying on a sort of guerilla 
warfare, until, in the course of events, the whole should be ex- 
terminated. 

It has already been observed, that the glorious army which 
had toiled so long and so successfully against the concentrated 
force of the great rebellion which had now expended its ener- 
gies, and languished into a mere series of local annoyances, was 
at length about to rest from its labors, and to take much needed 
shelter from the sun and the rains ; while the veterans in its 
ranks might recruit their strength, and the young among them 
learn discipline in the season of forced repose that awaited 
them. There was, however, no respite for the commander-in- 
chief, or for his staff, whose watchful care was required in every 
direction, in organizing arrangements for the distribution and 
accommodation of the troops, as well as in precautionary mea- 
sures for the repression of any attempts that the enemy might 
be induced to make against the various outlying stations and 
lines of communication during the rains, to say nothing of the 
labor necessarily devoted to the arrangement of plans for an 
ensuing campaign, should circumstances render it inev^itable. 
We have already shown that much had been accomplished ; 
still, much remained to be done before the sword could be 
sheathed. The state of Oude was still not satisfactory ; its 
chiefs and population were yet hostile, and had rejected the 
offers of reconciliation and forgiveness. They had refused to 
accept either the terms offered by the governor-general in his 
original proclamation, or the more liberal conditions the com- 
iiissioner had been empowered to grant them ; and were 
resolved to risk the chances of a guerilla war, and to try the 
effect of an armed opposition to the introduction of civil po*> er 
into their territories; and the gage being thus thrown down. 
no course was left to the British government but to crush and 
politically exterminate those who had defied its power and 



THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 483 

scorned its mercy. Oude had not only now to be conquered, 
but to be occupied militarily — its forts to be laid in ruins — ita 
chiefs brought to utter and acknowledged subjection — its po[)u- 
lation disarmed, and its social state entirely reconstituted. 
The task yet reserved for the army might be arduous and 
tedious, but it could now scarcely be called dangerous ; for, 
from the enemy in the open field, there was no longer any thing 
t/O dread ; but in the multifarious operations in which the troops, 
split into numerous small columns, were likely to be engaged-— 
each depending for success upon the judgment of its individual 
leader — there were certainly grounds for apprehension. There 
was not, at this time, in Central India, in the North-West 
Provinces, or in Bengal, any assemblage of the enemy which 
had the slightest pretension to be called an army. In one 
short campaign, Sir Colin Campbell had tranquillized the 
Doab, crushed the Gwalior contingent, taken Lucknow, over- 
run Oude for a time with movable columns, wrested Rohilcund, 
from the rebels, and re-established the civil rule of the Com- 
pany in many of its old sites of power ; while his lieutenants 
had restored the prestige of the British name in Central India, 
had pacified large provinces, laid waste the strongholds and 
haunts of numerous hostile chieftains, and had broken up every 
band which met them in arms — seizing their guns, and dispers- 
ing them in helpless flight. Between the beginning of the 
mutiny in May, 1857, and the close of June, 1858, not less 
than 30,000 of the rebellious soldiers of the native army had 
been slain in the field, had died of their wounds, or had perished 
of diseases incident to the war. From 8,000 to 10,000 armed 
men, and refractory inhabitants of the towns and villages, had 
also perished in encounters with the troops ; and of those shot, 
blown away from guns, or hangedj pursuant to the sentences 
of civil or military courts, the number had been frightfully 
great. The result of this wholesome weeding-out had, how- 
ever, established the fact, that the sepoy rebels had disappeared 
as organized bodies ; and the principal enemies which our 
troops had thenceforth to contend with, were simply match- 
lockmen and irregular horse, without a single leader of note to 
command them. 




CHAPTER XXIII. 

CHANGE IN THE GOVERNMENT OP INDIA — CLOSING SCENES Of 

THE REBELLION. 



While the rebellion in India was being slowly bnt surely 
brought to a final conclusion, a very important change in 
the government of that country was under discussion in the 
British parliament. Lord Palraerston having given notice of 
the intention of the government to transfer from the East India 
Company the government of India, the Court of Directors ad- 
dressed a very long and strong petition and remonstrance to 
the House of Commons, with a view tc avert the coming 
change, but without effect. 

On Friday February 12th, 1858, Lord Palmerston moved 
for leave to bring in a bill for transferring from the East India 
Company to the crown the government of her majesty's domin- 
ions in the East Indies. He brought forward this measure, he 
(iS4) 



THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 48^ 

said, not out of any hostility to the Company on ,ir i ground 
of any delinquency on their part, or as implying a.iy blame oi 
censure on that body, which had done many good things foi 
India, and whose administration had been attended with great 
advantages to the population under their rule. The Company's 
political authority, he observed, had not been conferred; it had 
grwn up gradually and accidentally from small beginnings— 
factories e^ftending to districts, and districts being enlarged 
into provii^ices. When, however, their commercial privileges 
were withdrawn, the Company became but a phantom of what 
it was, and subsided into an agency of the imperial govern- 
ment, without, however, responsibility to parliament, or any 
immediate connection with India. He pointed out the obvious 
inconveniences incident to the double government by the Board 
of Control and a Court of Directors elected by a body consist- 
ing of holders of East India stock. He admitted that a system 
of check was beneficial, but check and counter-check might be 
so multiplied as to paralyze action ; and he thought it was de- 
sirable that this cumbrous machinery should be reduced in 
form to what it was in fact, and that complete authority should 
vest where the public thought complete responsibility should 
rest, instead of nominally in an irresponsible body, ostensibly a 
company of merchants. The bill would be confined to a change 
of the administration at home, without any alteration of the ar- 
rangements in India, the intention being to alter as little as 
possible, consistently wnth the great object in view, the estab- 
lishment of a responsible government for India, as for other 
territories of the crown. He proposed that the functions of 
the Court of Directors and the Court of Proprietors should 
cease, and that there should be substituted a president and 
council for the affairs of India, the president to be a member 
of the cabinet, and the councilors to be named by the crown, 
eight in number, who should be appointed for eight years. It 
was proposed that the decision of the president, who would be 
the organ of the government, should be final ; but that if the 
councilors dissented from his opinion, they should have the 
right to record their opinion in minutes ; and on matters cou- 
41* 



486 BRITISH INDIA. 

cerning the Indian revenue, it was intended that the president 
should have the concurrence of four councilors. He proposed 
that the council should have the power of distributing the 
business aniong themselves ; that the president should be 
placed upon the footing of a secretary of state, and that the 
councilors should have salaries of £1,000 a-year. It was pro- 
posed that while all the powers now vested in the Court of 
Directors should be transferred to this council, all appointments 
in India now made by the local authorities should continue to 
be so made ; that the president should be authorized to appoint 
one secretary capable of sitting in that house ; but it was not 
proposed that the councilors should be capable of sitting in 
parliament. There was one matter of constitutional difficulty 
which, he remarked, had always been the foundation of an 
objection to this change — namely, the patronage. With regard, 
however, to the local appointments, they would continue to be 
made in India. Members of the local councils likewise would 
be made by the governor-general. Arrangements had already 
been made by which writerships were obtained by open compe- 
tition, and this system would be continued. Cadetships had 
hitherto been divided between the Court of Directors and the 
president of the Board of Control, and it was proposed to leave 
them to the president and council. The final appointment of 
both would depend upon their efficiency in India. A certain 
portion of the cadetships would be reserved for the sons of 
Indian officers. There would, therefore, be no additional pa- 
tronage thrown into the hands of the government which could 
provoke the slightest constitutional jealousy. As the president 
and council would possess the powers of the existing secret 
committee, it was proposed that, in any case where orders were 
sent to India involving the commencement of hostilities, they 
should be communicated to parliament within one month. The 
revenues of India would, of course, be applied solely to the 
purposes of the Indian government, and auditors would be ap- 
pointed to examine the expenditure of the revenue, and their 
audit would be laid before parliament. In conclusion, Lord 
Palmerston replied to anticipated objections, expressing hia 



THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 48t 

conviction that the change he proposed, while it strengthened 
the power of England in India, would, on the other hand, 
better enable the government to discharge those duties toward 
the people of India which it was intended that this nation 
should perform. 

After long and animated debates on the subject, and a change 
of ministry, a bill diflfering in some important respects to that 
described by Lord Palmerston, was finally passed, and the 
Queen issued her proclamation, formally announcing the change 
in the government ; and promising an amnesty to all " save 
and except those who have been or shall be convicted of hav- 
ing directly taken part in the murder of British subjects." 

The amnesty offered in the Queen's proclamation was soon 
found to be slowly but surely thinning the ranks of the rebels ; 
and there was good reason for believing that the whole country 
would be restored to peace without much additional bloodshed. 
On the 4th of November, a force, commanded by Lord Clyde 
in person, having marched sixty-one miles in sixty hours, com- 
pletely defeated Bene Mahdo, Sing, and a large army of rebels* 
at Dundeca Klara nearly opposite Suttehpoor; the enemy was 
driven out of the dense jungle, and afterward chased for miles 
by guns and cavalry; their loss was enormous; many were 
drowned in the Ganges. Bene Mahdo fled down the river 
Oomrao. Sing escaped toward Cawnpore road. The rabble 
threw away their arms, and fled to the steep ravines in which 
the Younsky abounds. Bene Mahdo was at Doleemou Ghat, 
on the Ganges. 

On the 7th of December, Tantia Topee had been defeated 
with severe loss. Vigorous efforts were on foot to catch him. 
Maun Singh had been defeated in Bundelcund by Brigadier 
Smith, with great slaughter. The Oude Talookdars were 
coming in everywhere. The enemy had also been defeated 
with loss at Goomtee by General Grant. An insurruction, on 
a small scale, had occurred in Burmah. 

In Oude, quiet prevailed on the 24th of December. The 
large rebel force on the north side of the Gogra had dwindled 



488 BRITISH INDIA. 

down and attached themselves to the Nana and Begum. These, 
with Bene Mahdo, had gone northward in the Serai. 

Lord Clyde was at Nanparah on the 24lh nit., when a large 
party of rebels, including a Prince and a son of XJmpseed Allee 
Shah, and some 250 women, came into camp. 

Many men of rank in the Begum's camp, had returned to 
Lucknow. The forts throughout the country were being 
rapidly dismantled, and the disarming of the people was pro- 
gressing. 

la Rajpootana, on the Hth of December, General Napier 
defeated, and pursued with slaughter for eight miles, the rebels 
under Feroze Shah. Six elephants and many horses were cap- 
tured. Captain Prettyjohn and ten men were wounded. 

On the 20th of December, Lieutenant Stack, Bombay Cav- 
alry, was attacked, between Goonah and Seronge, by Feroze 
Shah's cavalry, numbering 1,500. Three lancers were killed, 
and some camels' baggage taken. 

On the 23d of December, at Goonah, the troops under Cap- 
tain Mayne, surprised the rebels under Feroze Shah, near 
Jhajpoor, in a dense jungle. A few were killed, and the rest 
dispersed. One hundred horses, several camels, and much 
clothing, were captured. No lose on our side. 

The rebels under Tantia Topee advanced on the 24th of 
December to attack Pertabghur in three divisions, com- 
manded by Tantia, the Rao, and Raheera Allee. They were 
met and repulsed by the Neemuch Field Detachment. One 
of their leaders was killed, and two elephants were captured. 
The main body retreated toward Banswara. 

The rebels under Tantia Topee were engaged near Pertab- 
ghur, on the 25th of December, by a British detachment, and 
repulsed. They lost two elephants, retreated eastward, were 
overtaken by Colonel Benson, Itth Lancers, after five days' 
pursuit, at Zeerapoor, beyond Guonal, were routed .with much 
slaughter, and .lost six elephants. Colonel Somerset, a few 
days after, overtook Tantia near Burrad, in Kotah, and again 
defeated him. 

General Napier reported Tantia making beyond Tonk, to- 



THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 489 

ward Jeypoor, to join Feroze Shah. A force was detached 
from Ajmere to Madharajpoora to prevent this junction. 

Some rebels from Indore were reported near Soosner, on the 
28th of December. They had come from Dug, and were going 
to Machilpooa. Colonel Benson was in pursuit. Intelligence 
had been since received of elephants and property captured by^ 
his force. Tantia (from Sir Robert Napier's report of the 
30th,) passed Goonah on the 28th of December. Troops 
under General Na[)ier were warned and on the alert. 

On the 22d of December, at Kirwee, in the Banda district, 
the former residence of rebels, Narain Rao Madho Rao was 
attacked by Bundelcund rebels under Raho Govind, and the 
garrison shut up in the palace; but the rebels left on the 26th, 
having heard of the rapid advance of General Whitlock. On 
the 29th, the general attacked them four railesrfrom Kirwee, 
and completely dispersed them. Three hundred were killed, 
and all their guns, elephants, many horses, and cattle were 
taken. 

A body of Rohillas, 2000 strong, having plundered Adjuntah, 
two regiments of Hyderabad cavalry, serving in the valley of 
the Nerbudda, were ordered to the Nizam's territory to restore 
tranquillity. 

The creation of the Punjaub into a separate governorship, 
is thus announced in the Governor-General's Gazette, dated 
Allahabad, January 3d: — 

" Under authority received from her Majesty's Secretary of 
State for India, the Right Honorable the Yiceroy and Gov- 
ernor-General is pleased to resolve that a separate Lieutenant- 
Governorship for the territories on the extreme northern 
frontier of her Majesty's Indian Empire shall be established; 
and that the Punjaub^ the tract commonly called the 'Trans- 
Sutlej States,' the ' Cis-Sutlej States,' and the 'Delhi Terri- 
tory,' shall form the jurisdiction of the Lieutenant-Governor. 
The Right Honorable the Yiceroy and Governor-General of 
India has been pleased to appoint the Honorable Sir John 
Lawrence, Bart., G. C. B., to be the first Lieutenant-Governor 
of the 'Punjaub and its Dependencies ' " 



490 BRITISH INDIA. 

Toward the last of February, 1858, in Oude, the carapaip^n 
oa the borders of Nepaul had not yet made any considerable 
progress. It was on the 8th of February that Brigadier Hors- 
ford, in obedience to Lord Clyde's orders, crossed the Raptee, 
in the neighborhood of Bankee. He was reinforced previously 
to malving this movement by the 1st Bengal Europeans from 
Beyram Ghaut and the Kumaon battalions, both regiments 
having been diverted from the destination assigned to them by 
the late relief. On the 10th, after a short march up the defile 
through which the Raptee falls into the plains, the enemy's 
advanced position was attacked and captured without loss on 
the British side, the rebels taking flight at their approach, and 
leaving in their bands fourteen guns and a mortar. The main 
body of the insurgents was thirty miles to the eastward, on the 
northern declivity of the hills facing Brigadier Rowcroft'a 
camp at Liswa. 

Tantia Topee was discovered, on the 4th of February, to 
have reached a place between Erinpoora and Joudhpore, on 
the way to Pahlunpoor. Pahlunpore is within a short dis- 
tance of Deesa, and accordingly a force went out from thence, 
under Colonel Kelly, to pursue the rebels. Brigadier Holmes, 
at tlie same time, was following in Tantia's rear ; and General 
Michel, who had reached Nusseerabad, started again from 
thence on the 14th. 

The forts of Buswuntnugger and Digrus were taken without 
a blow by a detachment from Brigadier Hill's force on duty in 
North Berar. In fact, the Rohilla war was at an end, and Sir 
Hugh Rose had nothing more to do but to recall his troops and 
distribute them into quarters, as Lord Clyde had done in Oude. 
The Rohillas, cowed as they are, will only give trouble in 
future to the Nizam's Government, whose authority they syste- 
matically set at nought. 

In Khandeish the remnants of the Bheels under Bheema Naik 
were severely punished. Several fugitives, discovered to be 
Bepoys, came in starving, and gave themselves up to Lieut. 
Atkins, at Shadah. 

Maun Sing still held out in the jungles west of Narghur in 



THE EUROPEAN PERIOD. 491 

Gwalior, and defied Sir Robert Napier. General Whitlock 
made a triumphant entry with his division into Rewa, whose 
wavering rajah came out in state to meet him. The 3d Bengal 
Native Infantry, the only regiment which not only did not join 
the mutiny, but rendered important services, was ordered to 
Rohilcund from Saugor. 

In the Punjaub, the Sikh artillery corps were abolished, as 
well as the Towannah levies. The gunners were offered the 
option of serving in the police corps, and some of them ac- 
cepted the offer. The disarmed 33d Bengal Native Infantry 
was rearmed on the 11 th of January. 

Tranquillity continued to prevail throughout Onde, and the 
disarming of the province progressed rapidly. On the 1 2th 
of March, 3*78 cannons and St5,000 arms of all kinds had been 
collected, while t56 forts had been entirely levelled. The 
Begum and the Nana were still in the Nepaul Terai. On the 
9th of March, Brigadier Horsford took fourteen guns from the 
rebels on the Nepaul frontier ; he was but slightly opposed, and 
suffered no loss. Mr. C. J. Wingfield assumed charge of the 
ofiBce of Chief Commissioner from Mr. Montgomery on the 
15th of March. 

The rebels in Central India, under Tantia Topee, were now 
reported to be making for Pertabgurh. They were at Antoolah 
on the 17th, and burnt Gassoonda, south-west of Jeerun, on 
the 19th. On the 18th four generals, several other officers, and 
600 men of the rebel force, gave themselves up to the Rajah of 
Bikaneer. 

The troops of the Punnah Rajah attacked and defeated a 
body of rebels at Alove on the 10th. 

The following summary of the last news received from India, 
shows clearly that the game is at last played out. 

"Maun Singh has surrendered to the British forces. 

" Tantia Topee has been captured after a desperate struggle, 
in which 500 of the rebels were killed." 

The news from India was received by telegram from the 
British Consul at Alexandria. 



492 



BRITISH INDIA. 



On the 2d of Apri\ Maun Singh surrendered to Mjijo» 
Meades five columns of his forces at Manandia. 

Tantia Topee was captured on the 8th by that force, assisted 
by Maun Singh himself. 

Cols. De Salles and Riches, by a combined movement, at 
tacked the rebels in the front and rear. In one fight, 500 were 
killed, including three officers. The chiefs, however, escaped. 

A body of the rebels are still at Nepaul. 

Sir R. Shakspeare succeeds Sir .K. Hamilton. He is now 
in Oude. 





MEMOIR OF SIR HENRY HAVELOCK. 

Major-general Sir Henry Havelock, Bart, K. C. B., 

who died in the zenith of his fame, and who has bequeathed to 

his countrymen a name that will long be kept as a household 

word in the iioiups of Eno^land and of India, — was a native of 

Bishopswearmouth, near Sunderland, where he was born on the 

6th of April, 1795. He was the second of four sons of William 

Havelock, Esq., of Ingress-park, near Greenhithe, Kent, the 

descendant and representative of a family that had long 

flourished near Great Grimsby, in Lincolnshire. Educated at 

the Charter-house, at the period when that school was in the 

full tide of its prosperity, under the head-mastership of Dr. 

Russell, young Havelock numbered among his schoolfellows 

many whose names were destined, like his own, to shed lustre 

upon the annals of their country. A soubriquet, " philosopher," 

by which he was distinguished among his companions, was 

applied in consequence of his gentle, meditative disposition, and 

quiet manner — seldom taking part in the boisterous pastimes 

of the playground, but ever ready, with friendly offices and 

kind words, to soothe down the asperities of his more excitable 

and impulsive companions. In course of time the appellation 

diminished to "Phlos," and occasionally he was addressed as 

"Old Phlos." Few, perhaps, v/ho thus -knew that thoughtful, 

unobtrusive boy, would have believed it possible that, in the 

*' Old Phlos" of the Charter-house, they beheld the future hero 

42 (493) 



49 i MEMOIR OF SIR HENRY HAVELOCK. 

of Cawnpore and Lucknow — the noble victor of unnumbered 
fields. 

While young Havelock was still at the Charter-house, a 
change came over the fortune of his family, that rendered his 
withdrawal from that establishment a measure of prudence. 
After a short interval, the youth was entered as a student at 
the Middle Temple, it being supposed that the law held out for 
him the fairest prospect of advancement. Here he attended 
the lectures of Chitty, the eminent pleader, and formed an inti- 
mate friendship with the no less eminent Talfourd. But the 
profession chosen for him was not to the taste of his noble 
nature, which could not be moulded to any affinity with a life- 
long career of sophistry and chicane, and to a sense of honor 
that could be regulated by the amount of a fee. Moreover, 
though mild in disposition, an indoor occupation did not accord 
with his temper. He pined for a life of action and enterprise ; 
and, in a short time, he could exultingly say with Norval — 

" Heaven soon gi-anted what my sire denied." 

The elder brother of Henry Havelock, who was in the army, 
had gained distinction in the Peninsula, and was mentioned in 
the dispatches of his illustrious chief as even then, in his mere 
youth, "one of the most chivalrous officers in the service."* 
This officer v/as wounded at Waterloo, where he acted as aid- 
de-camp to General Baron Alten ; and he possessed a sufficient 

♦ The following anecdote of this young officer is recorded in Napier's 
Peninsular War, vol. vi., p. 265: — "The Spaniards stopped, and though thfc 
adventurer Downie, now a Spanish general, encouraged them with his voice, 
and they kept their ranks, they seemed irresolute, and did not advance. 
There happened to be present an officer of the 43d regiment, named Havelock, 
•who, being attached to General Alton's staff, was sent to ascertain Giron'a 
progress. Jlis fiery temper could not brook the check. He took off his hat, 
called the Spaniards to follow him, and, putting spurs to his horse, at one 
bound cleared the ahattis, and went headlong among the enemy. Then the 
Boldiers, shouting for 'El chico bianco' (the fair boy) — so they called him, for 
he was very young, and had light hair — with one shock broke through the 
French ranks." This noble youth, terminated a career of honor by a soldier's 
death, falling at the head of his regiment, the 14th light dragoons, in a despe- 
rate but victorious charge on the Sikhs, at the battle of Ramnuggur, Novembei 
22d, 1848. 



MEMOIR OP SIR HENRY HAVELOCK. 495 

Interest and infinence to obtain a commission for his brother ; 
and within a fctr weeks after Waterloo was won, had the satis- 
faction of seeing him gazetted to a second lieutenancy in the Rifle 
brigade. Unfortunately for the aspirations of the young soldier, 
peace supervened, and the prospect of active military employ- 
ment in Europe was obscured. For eight years young Haveloek, 
as a subaltern, was obliged to endure a life of mere military 
routine in various stations of the United Kingdom. 

At length, in 1823, an opportunity was afforded him to 
exchange into the 13th light infantry, a regiment under orders 
for Indian service. The necessary steps for eflfecting this were 
taken, and Henry Plavelock landed at Calcutta toward the 
close of that year. 

In 182*1, the first Burmese war broke out, and he served in 
the campaign against the " Sovereign of the Golden Foot," as 
deputy assistant-adjutant-general to the forces under Sir 
Archibald Campbell, and was present at the actions of Na- 
padee, Patnagoa, and Paghan. 

Upon the conclusion of the war he was associated with 
Captain Lumsden and Dr. Knox, in a mission to the court of 
Ava, and had an audience of the king when the treaty of Yan- 
daboo was signed. 

In 182t, he was appointed by Lord Combermere, to the post 
of adjutant of the military depot at Chinsurah, on the breaking 
up of which he returned to his regiment. Shortly after this 
he visited Calcutta, and, having passed the examination in 
languages at Fort William, was appointed adjutant of his 
regiment by Lord William Bentinck. The corps, at that time, 
was under the command of Colonel (afterward General Sir 
Bobert) Sale. 

In 1838, after twenty-three years of service as a subaltern. 
Lieutenant Haveloek was promoted to a company, and attended 
Sir Willoughby Cotton as one of his staff in the invasion of 
Affghanistan. He served through the Afifghan campaign with 
increased distinction, and was present with Sir John Keane at 
the storming of Ghuznee in 1839. 

After a short leave of absence, Captain Haveloek was sent 



496 MEMOIR OF SIR HENRY HAVELOCK. 

to the Punjab in charge of a detachment, and was placed on 
the staff of General El[)hinstone, as Persian interpreter. He 
next served in Cabul, under Sir Robert Sale, and was present at 
the forcing of the Khoord-Cabul Pass, the action of Tezeen, and 
all the other engagements of that force until it reached Jellaia- 
bad. In conjunction with Major McGregor and Captaia 
Broadfoot, he had, under Sale, the chief direction of the 
memorable defense of that place. For his services in Cabul 
he obtained his brevet majority, and was made a Companion of 
the Bath. 

Having accompanied Generals Pollock and Gough, as Per- 
sian interpreter, on one or two expeditions of minor importance, 
in 1843, we find Major Havelock with the troops at Gwalior, 
and at the battle of Maharajpore : shortly after which, he ob- 
tained the brevet rank of lieutenant-colonel ; and, in 1845, he 
proceeded with Lord Hardinge and Lord Gough to the Sut- 
lej ; and was actively engaged at the battles of Moodkee, 
Ferozeshah, and Sobraon. In the first of those engagements 
he had two horses shot under him, and a third at Sobraon, but 
himself escaped without a wound. 

On the conclusion of the Sikh war, he was appointed deputy- 
adjutant-general of the Queen's troops at Bombay, and had 
scarcely received tidings of the appointment when the second 
Sikh war commenced. His own regiment, the 53d, was ordered 
up from Bombay to take the field, and had proceeded as far as 
Indore (nearly 400 miles), when the order was countermanded, 
and he returned to the duties of his staff appointment. 

Lieutenant-colonel Havelock took advantage of a temporary 
lull in the discordant elements of Asiatic policy, and obtained 
leave of absence, on sick certificate, to England, where he spent 
two years, recruiting the health weakened by twenty-six years' 
continuous service, and returning to India in 1851. 

Upon his arrival, through the interest of Lord Hardinge, 
who had watched his career with admiration, and by whoso 
side he had fought in the three great battles of the Sutlej, he 
was appointed first, quarter-master-general, and afterward 
adjutant-general, of the Queen's forces in India, which latter 



MEMOIR OF SIR HENRY HAVELOCK. 407 

post he held until the war with Persia broke out at the close 
of 1856. 

On the dispatch of the expedition against Persia, Colonel 
Ilavelock was nominated to the command of the second divi- 
sion of the army, and led the troops at Mohammerah. The 
glory of the action, however, such as it was, was reserved for 
the naval force employed in the expedition, as the Persian 
troops ignominiously deserted the field before a gun was fired. 

Upon the conclusion of peace with the government to whom 
such warriors belonged, Colonel Havelock returned to India, 
and was wrecked off Ceylon, in the Erin, on his passage to 
Calcutta, in April, 1857. An interesting incident of his life 
is connected with this disaster. When the vessel struck, be- 
tween twelve and one o'clock in the morning, half a gale of 
wind blowing. Colonel Havelock sprung upon the deck, and 
seeing some confusion, said in that sharp military tone that 
always commands attention, "Men, be steady, and all may be 
saved : but, if we have confusion, all may be lost. Obey your 
orders, and think of nothing else." They did so ; and behaved 
in the most exemplary manner. The lives of all on board were 
saved, and on the following day all were landed, together with 
tho mails and specie. Immediately afterward. Colonel Have- 
lock mustered the men on the shore, and said, " Now, my men, 
let us return thanks to Almighty God for the great mercy he 
has just vouchsafed to us." They all knelt down : he uttered. 
a short prayer of thanksgiving ; and then, rising from his knees 
and looking benigoantly upon the companions of his misfortune, 
he walked away as coolly as if leaving an ordinary parade.* 

* At a meeting of the Hibernian Bible Society, held at Belfast in the sum- 
mer of 1857, the Rev. Mr. Graham, of Bonn, repeated the following anecdote, 
as one he had heard from the lips of Lady Havelock : — " When General Have- 
lock, as colonel of his regiment, was traveling through India, he always took 
with him a Bethel tent, in which he preached the gospel; and when Sunday 
came, in India, he usually hoisted the Bethel flag, and invited all men to come 
and hear the gospel; in fact, he even baptized some. He was reported for 
this at head-quarters, for acting in a non-military and disorderly manner; 
and the commander-in-chief, General Lord Gough, entertained the charge: 
but, with the true spirit of a generous military man, he caused the state of 

42* 



498 MEMOIR or SIR HENRY HAVELOCK. 

Upon his arrival at Calcutta, almost the first news that met 
him was a report of the mutinous outbreak at Meerut and 
Delhi. Colonel Havelock was not a man to be passed over in 
the emergency that had arisen, and he was immediately se^^it 
up to Allahabad as brigadier, to command the movable column 
employed against the rebel force under Nana Saliib, Ills sub- 
sequent victories over the Nana's troops, including several 
pitched battles with numbers far superior to his o\rn, crowned 
by the action of July 16th, at Cawnpore, and his continuous 
successes until his arrival at Lucknow, have been recorded in 
the preceding pages. 

For his first exploits in the early summer of 185t, Brigadier- 
general Havelock was rewarded with a good-service pension of 
£100 a-year, all that the commander-in-chief then had in his 
power to bestow. The gallant officer was subsequently raised 
to the rank of general, and honors fell thick upon him. By 
his sovereign, the distinction of Knight Commander of the Bath 
was awarded. The houses of parliament voted him a pension 
of £1,000 per annum for two lives. The colonelcy of the 3d 
Buffs was conferred upon him ; and the London Gazette, of the 
26th of November, announced that her majesty had been 
pleased to elevate him to the baronetcy, as Sir Henry Have- 
lock of Lucknow. On the day preceding this announcement, 
the much and deservedly honored siibject of it had passed away 
from all consciousness of human distinction. In consequence 
of his demise the day previous to the notification of the baron- 
etcy, a question arose — whether, not having been in actual pos- 
session, the title could pass to his descendants ? The difficulty 
was, however, removed by the gracious act of the sovereign ; 
and the Gazette of the 19th of January, 1858, announced that 

Colonel Haveloek's regiment to be examined. The reports descriptive of the 
moral state of various regiments throughout the presidencies, were obtained 
and laid before him. These were severally referred to for some time back^ 
and he found that Colonel Haveloek's stood at the head of the list; there was 
less drunkenness, less flogging, less imprisonment in it, than in any other. 
When that was done, the commander-in-chief said — * Go and tell Cclonel 
Havelock, with my compliments, to baptize the whole army.' ** 



MEMOIR OF SIR HENRY HAVELOCK. 493 

her majesty had been pleased to grant the dignity of a baronet 
to Captain Henry Marshraan Havelock, son of the late Major- 
general Havelock; and had also ordained that the widow of the 
gallant general should " have, hold, and enjoy the same style, 
title, place, and precedence to which she would have been en- 
titled, had her husband survived and been created a baronet." 
Captain Sir Henry Havelock was promoted to a majority ; and 
the admiration of the public for his deceased parent was ex- 
pressed by a monument, to be erected by voluntary subscrip- 
tions ; and a provision for the surviving daughters of the hero 
of Lucknow, whose bust was placed, by the citizens of London, 
in the council-chamber of their Guildhall. 

General Havelock married, in 1827, the youngest daughter 
of the Rev. Dr. Marshman, of Serampore, by whom he had a 
family of three sons and three daughters ; the eldest of whom, 
now Major Sir Henry Marshraan Havelock, was born in 1830. 

The following extract, from the Rev. William Brock's Bio- 
grapical Sketch of Sir Henry Havelock, contains an account 
of his peaceful death, with some excellent remarks on the les- 
sons to be drawn from his strongly marked and decisive religious 
character. 

Scarcely had the brave-hearted General reached the compara- 
tive repose of the Alum Bagh before it was discovered that h« 
was seriously unwell. He was evincing great satisfaction at 
the rescue which had been so gloriously accomplished, and ac- 
cepting with grateful appreciation the marked attention which 
was paid to him on all sides. It might have been thought that 
he was only temporarily indisposed ; that now his anxieties 
were so far alleviated, he would presently rally and regain hit- 
health. 

Such hope, however, was delusive. Symptoms of indiges 
tion first disclosed themselves; but they were presently sup 
pressed, and he was pronounced better. The 20th of Novemb ■ 
closed upon him with some promise of continuous amendinet!' 
but, before midnight, unmistakable signs of dysentery m 
their appearance. Every thing was done which medical science 



600 MEMOIR OF SIR HENRY HAVELOCK. 

or friendly sympathy could suggest ; and, by the forenoon of 
the 2lst, there were indications of improvement. 

With characteristic mindfulness of home, one of the first 
things which he had done on the relief of the Residency was 
to write to his family. Other letters had indicated great appre- 
hension of what might happen. This letter expresses nothing 
at which tl.ey might have been alarmed. 

Prospects were brightening, and he hoped that they should 
ere long bear away the surviving women and children to a 
place of safety, and that some of their own most pressing wants 
would in a measure be supplied. For weeks had they been 
unable to change any of their garments. Just as they came 
into the Residency, so had they continued night and day for 
forty days ; harassed incessantly by the enemy, and beset with 
disease and death, without even the ordinary conveniences 
whereby they could be bodily refreshed. It would be better 
now. 

Information, too, had reached him of the estimate in which 
his country held him for his bravery, and of the first of the 
series of honors which had been conferred on him by the Queen. 
This was cheering. He was grateful, but as modest and unos- 
tentatious as ever. The children were remembered in a kindly 
message, and their brother, they were assured, though again 
wounded, was doing well : — 

"Nov. 19. — Sir Colin has come up with some 5,000 men, 
and much altered the state of affairs. The papers of the 25th 
September came with him, announcing my elevation to the 
Commandership of the Bath for my first three battles. I have 
fought nine more since. . ; . Dear H. has been a second 
time wounded in the same left arm. This second hit was a 
musket-ball in the shoulder. He is in good spirits, and is 
doing well. . . . Love to the children. ... I do 
not after all see my elevation in the ' Gazette,' but Sir Colin 
addresses me as Sir Henry Havelock Our bag- 
gage is at Alum Bagh, four miles off; and we all came into 
this place with a single suit, which hardly any have put off for 
forty days." 



MEMOIR OF SIR HENRY HAVELOCK. 501 

This was the last letter that Havelock ever wrote. No more 
would he indite the graver or the pleasanter things for perusal 
and pleasurable conversation at Bonn. Henceforward the 
wedding day and the birthdays would pass uncomraemorated 
by the grateful references of the conjugal and par?;ntal pen. 

The admonitions and encouragements which had been so 
habitually interspersed with the periodical correspondence of 
the last seven years had come to a perpetual end. Happily, 
however, though his counsels and his comforts would never 
£gain be administered to his beloved onofi. they would hear that 
his counsels were found pre-eminintly trustworthy, and that his 
comforts triumphantly availed as he passed through the valley 
of the shadow of death. 

It was now generally known that Havelock was very ill. He 
was not seen about among his companions-in-arms. They 
missed him the places of military resort. There was sorrow 
lest, after all his self-sacrificing exertions to rescue others, he 
should himself succumb. 

To further the incipient improvement, it was arranged to 
move him from the Alumn Bagh to Sir Colin Campbell's camp 
at the Dilkoosha ; the change of air being deemed of great 
importance at the crisis which he had just reached. 

Well aware was he of the danger which was impending. 
Yet, whilst he felt his jeopardy to be extreme, he was thoroughly 
at rest. The peace of Ged which passeth all understanding 
was keeping his heart and mind through Jesus Christ. Should 
he be about to pass through the valley of the shadow of death 
he would fear no evil. Why should he ? There were the rod 
and the staff to comfort him. There was "the Resurrection 
and the Life" awaiting to be the strength of his heart, and hig 
portion forever. How often had he cheered his brethren by 
the assurances of life and immortalit}'", when they were in 
thickest danger. How many times had he talked of Provi 
dence, of everlasting purposes, of the keys of Hades and of 
Death, of the destruction of the last enemy, of departure to 
be with Christ. With his Bible in his hand had he made good 
all his exhortations. The believer in the Son of God could 



502 MEMOIR OP SIR HENRY HAVELOCK. 

not be too confident of help all-sufficient, whenever he might 
come to die. 

And now, having the self-same Bible before him, he could not 
be too confident Where was the sting of death, so far as he 
was personally concerned ? Where any power of harming 
him ? Where any capability of making him ashamed of his 
hope in Christ? Had not his gracious Lord been once within 
the power of the last enemy ? And what had he done with 
Him ? Had he retained Him within its grasp ? Could he 
boast of perpetual dominion over Him ? Was Jesus still 
amidst the degradation of the Arimathean's tomb ? 

Oh, how the Christian veteran on his couch understood the 
triumphant answer to such inquiries ! and how, as he remem- 
bered his Master's words, "I was dead, but I am alive again ; 
and, behold, I am alive for&vermore ;" he sang with melody in 
his heart, "Because He lives, I shall live also !" 

True, the earthly house of his tabernacle must be dissolved. 
The grave would receive that into its dark and desolate do- 
main ; but it would not receive him. He should not die. He 
should not see corruption. There would be no cessation of his 
being ; no intermission of his existence ; no interru|>4ion of his 
life. His consciousness would be continued, as would also his 
character, and his fellowship and union with Christ. Before 
his son, who was so considerately attending on him, could say 
that his father was no more, he would be singing, amidst the 
exulting impulses of his incipient immortality, " Thanks be 
unto God, who hath given me the victory, through our Lord 
Jesus Christ." 

So he mused and meditated, mingling faith with what had 
been so familiar to him in the Scripture readings and exhorta- 
tions of upward of forty years. As the day so the strength 
was. He needed, just then, strong consolation. The Master 
whom he had served and trusted, most amply supplied the 
need. 

The change to the Dilkoosha was a great comfort to the 
invalid. Further improvement was observed, and, gladly re- 
ported. It might be that^ though terribly reduced, he would 



MEMOIR OP SIR HENRY HAVELOCK. 503 

survive. On!}'- momentary was such a probability. Eearly on 
the 22d the disease assumed a malignant form : and though it 
inflicted no severe bodily suffering, yet it was evidently rapidly 
taking away his life. 

The confidence of the dying man became more and more 
profound. To have departed in the midst of his family would 
have been an alleviation. Thoughts, fond and fatherly, followed 
one another toward his beloved ones far away on the Rhine.' 
But Grod had willed that he should not go hence, with their 
prayerful and sustaining utterances falling gently on his ear. 
He therefore devoutly acquiesced ; and, remembering gracious 
promises about God's inalienable loving-kindness to the father- 
less and the widow, he commended them to the Divine care, 
•and then collected himself to enjoy the abundant entrance into 
the everlasting kingdom of our Lord and Savior Jesus Christ. 

The 23d passed in the calmest submission to the Lord's will. 
Every faculty was active, and every sensibility of his nature in 
fullest power. No mere indifference was upon him. It was 
not because he did not choose to realize his position that he 
contrived to be at peace. He knew that he was about to make 
the great transition from the life that now is to that which is 
to come. He remembered his unworthiness of all God's favors. 
He was actually conscious, as he was lying there in his prostra- 
tion, of his personal desert of banishment from God. But then 
he was in Christ ; and, being there, it was impossible he 
should perish. He must needs have everlasting life. 

His illustrious companion. Sir James Outrara, having called, 
he thought it right to say to him what was then upon his mind. 
** For more than forty years," was his remark to Sir James, 
** for more than forty years I have so ruled my life, that when 
death came I might face it without fear." 

Often had they faced it together, even during that recent 

« 

memorable advance for the relief of Lucknow. There, how- 
ever, God had averted it; but here it was present in all its 
power, and must be met. " So be it," was the imperturbed 
response of Outram's comrade ; " I am not in the least afraid 
To die is gain." 



^Gi MEMOIR OF SIR HENRY H A Y E L C K . 

"I die happy and contented," he kept on saying, knowing 
wliom be had believed, and persuaded that he was able to keep 
what he had committed to him until that day. 

On the 24th his end was obviously near at hand. His eldest 
son was still his loving and faithful nurse, himself, it should be 
remembered, a wounded man, and specially needing kindly 
care. Waiting on his father with unflagging and womanly 
assiduity, he was summoned to hearken to some parting 
words. 

" Come," said the disciple thus faithful unto death ; " come, 
my son, and see how a Christian can die." — And Havelock 
died. 

"Having served his own generation, by the will of 
God, he fell on sleep." 

On the 25th a grave was prepared for his remains in the 
Alum Ba^"h, and Sir Colin Campbell, with his sorrowing com- 
rades who had followed him through so many vicissitudes, 
buried him out of sight, in sure and certain hope of the VQ&we* 
rection unto eternal life» 

•* There gleams a coronet of light around our Hero's brow. 
But of far purer radiance than England can bestow ; 
He takes his place among his peers. His peers ! And who «r* th^^y I 
Princes of yon celestial spheres, whom angel hosts obey. 
The heralds have made search, and found his lineage of the boBt. 
He stands amid the sons of God, a son of God confess'd j 
He wears a glittering, starry cross, called by a monarch's name ; 
That monarch whose * Well done' confers a more than mortal fame. 
Victorious first at Futteypore, victorious at Lucknow, 
The gallant chief of gallant men is more than conqueror now; 
For his whole life was one stern fight against so fierce a foe, 
That only superhuman might avails to lay him low. 
And ho possess'd a talisman, thro' which he won the day : 
A blood-red signature which kept the hosts of hell at bay. 
The banner under which he serv'd can never know defeat. 
And so he laid his laurels down at his Great Captain's feet. 
There rest thee. Christian warrior, — rest from the two-fold strife— 
The battle-field of India, and the battle-field of life! 
Best in the presence of thy Lord, where trouble may not come, 
Kor thy repose be broken thro' by sound of hostile drum; 



MEMOIR OF SIR HENRY HAVELOCK. 505 

There, wliere no scorching sun beats down on the unshelter'd head: 
Wkere no pale moon keeps mournful watch over the silent dead ; 
And when, in God's good time, this page of history shall be turn'd, 
Arjd the bright stars bo reckon'd up which in its midnight burn'd. 
Then shall the name of Havelock, the saintly, sage and bold, 
Shine forth engraven thereupon in characters of gold !" 

Our reverence for the memory of this good man constrains 
us to seek for the lessons which are to be learnt from his event- 
ful life. It would be a reflection on his name, a practical dis- 
honor to his reputation, to let those lessons go unlearnt. If, 
by presenting his example to general attention, we can accom- 
plish good, then we are sure he would have acquiesced in our 
doing so. If the narrative of his history or the mention of his 
habits can be made subservient to the formation of sound char- 
acter and to the maintenance of upright conduct in other men, 
then we know he would have been content, but not else. Os- 
tentatiousness he abhorred ; vain-glory was odious to him ; to 
flattery he was insensible ; of himself he never cared to speak. 
From that distant grave in the Alum Bagh there comes his 
voice, reminding us of duties which we are sadly prone to 
neglect, and of privileges which we are far too ready to forego. 

Havelock speaks, and he says that, whatever a man's 

SECULAR activities, HE OUGHT TO FEAR GOD. 

Instantly it will be granted that our secular engagements are 
not more absorbing than his were. Through the whole period 
of his manhood he was out prominently before the world, hav- 
ing a good deal more than the ordinary share of harass, and 
turmoil, and responsibility. There were times, no doubt, when 
he was comparatively at rest, but very often he had for months 
scarcely any rest at all, his condition in Affghanistau and 
Oude to wit: 

The condition, however, vras virtually immaterial. The first 
thing anywhere was to seek the kingdom of God and his right- 
eousness. That must be attended to of course. He was not 
all day long at his Bible, but he invariably pondered some por- 
tions of it every day. He was not continually in the outward 
act of prayer, but he took care, someiiow or other, to be alone 
43 



506 MEMOIR OP BIR HENRY HAVELOOK. 

both morning and evening, that he might worship and bow 
down. He was not constantly at church or chapel, but he was 
there on the Lord's day, and not unfrequently on other days 
besides. If for these engagements be could not find time, he 
just made time. Even when so pressed as he was at Jellala- 
bad, he got his comrades who were like-minded with himself 
together constantly that they might join in worshiping and in 
3ommending themselves to God ; and when on his heaviest 
marches it was determined to start at some earlier hour than 
that which he had allotted to his devotions, h^ arose quite in 
time to hold undisturbed his usual fellowship with God. He 
lived and he died declaring that where there is a will there ia 
a way. 

What has been done may be done again. Go, saith Have- 
lock, as we are contemplating the godliness which was nur- 
tured by communion with God, and which consisted in walking 
humbly with God, — go and do likewise. When you object the 
anxieties of your warehouse, remember the anxieties of my tent. 
When you plead the distractions of your business, remember 
the distractions of my profession. When you vindicate your 
irreligiousness by urging the pressure of your occupations 
night and day, remember the pressure of my occupations at 
Ghuznee and Lucknow. Through God's grace, I could live 
godly in Christ Jesus, so, if you will only try, so can you. 

Havelock speaks, and he says that, whatever a man's 
unavoidable absences from home, he ought assiduously 
to cherish affectionate attachment for those who con- 
stitute his home. 

. It was his lot to be separated for a long time together from 
his wife and children. A sense of duty left him no alternative. 
Circumstances necessitated their absence from one another 
But mutual attachment was cultivated with most congenial as- 
siduity. The interchange of sympathy between the father in 
his solitariness on the Ganges or the Jumna, and the mother 
with her children on the Rhine, was uninterrupted. Letters 
by almost every mail we»'e both the evidence of well-sustained 
afifectiou and the generous aliment by which the affection was 



MEMOIR OF SIR HENRY HAVELOCK. 507 

increased. No matter how heavy the pressure of his occnpa* 
tions at one time or the agreeableness of his relaxation at 
another, Ilavelock must keep up his correspondence with home. 
None so dear to him on earth as its precious inmates. Nothing 
in his esteem comparable with the honest reciprocation of their 
irrepressible and yearning love. He lived and he died evincing 
the imperativeness and the possibility of maintaining the conju- 
gal and the parental responsibilities untarnished and intact. 

What has been done may be done again. Go, saith Ilave- 
lock, as you are contemplating his virtuous and honorable 
married life, — go and do likewise. Repel the intrusion of the 
wrong, by preoccupying your sensibilities with the right. 
Preclude the operation of the evil by surcharging your sym- 
pathies with the good. Turn off your eyes from beholding 
vanity by keeping ever before you the images of darling chil- 
dren fondly listening as they are told about their absent father 
by your lealhearted loving wife. 

HaVELOCK speaks, and he says, WHATEVER A MAN'S VIR- 
tues, he ought to trust for his salvation exclusively to 
Christ alone. 

That he was virtuous and reputable is beyond doubt. To a 
long and most eventful life the reference may be made in con- 
firmation. He was patriotic. He was unselfish. He was 
forgiving. He was veracious. He was temperate. He was 
pious. Not many of us should be found surpassing him were 
investigation to be made into our duties, whether toward God 
or man. By common consent, he was a sound-minded, a right- 
hearted and a good-living man. 

But he held himself to be personally unworthy of the Divine 
mercy By his reading of Holy Scripture he had concluded 
himself under sin. In more than one point had he offended 
against God's commandments : thence he was guilty of all. 
He had not continued in all things written in the book of the 
law to do them : consequently he was liable to the curse. But 
that would not befall him, if so be he would believe in Christ 
as the sacrifice and propitiation for sin. He did believe in 
Christ. He submitted himself to the righteousness of God. 



508 MEMOIR OF SIR HENRY HAVELOCK. 

His sins were forgiven him. He was accepted in the Beloved. 
Tie became complete in Christ. 

What has been done may be done again. Go, saith Have- 
ocli, — as you are contemplating his quiet confidence in the 
intercession of our Great High Priest, — go and do likewise. 
Put no trust in your own doings, for what do they amount to 
at the best? Have done with all reliance upon your integrity, 
and your loyalty, and your philanthropy, for in evincing these 
you have acquired no merit at all ; you have simply performed 
your duty, and nothing more. Be the good father, and the 
good neighbor, and the good citizen, by all means, but be the 
penitent sinner, nevertheless. Through God's grace, I re- 
nounced dependence upon myself, and went and depended on 
the Saviour ; so — if you try — so can you. 

Havelock speaks, and says that, whatever a man's 
liabilities to persecution, he ought to abide resolutely 
by his convictions of what is right. 

No secret was it to him that if he confessed Christ before 
men, he must expect persecution in some or other of its differ- 
ent forms. Not the most congenial with his religious habitudes* 
and predilections would be the associations and companion- 
ships of military life. Would he, under such circumstances as 
his, conceal his evangelic principles, and imitate Joseph of 
Arimathea, who was a disciple of Jesus, but secretly, for fear 
of the Jews ? He revolved the question, thoughtfully, and 
presently he was ready with his reply. He dared not act clan- 
destinely. He was under paramount obligation to the Lord 
Christ. Show him that what he meant to do was wrong, and 
he wiuld instantly leave it undone. Make it evident that it 
was at least doubtful or premature, and he would postpone it 
until it could be reconsidered and ascertained ; but, once admit 
that the course which he projected was in itself prescribed by 
the grace and the providence of God, and an objector might 
forthwith hold his peace. " I have opened my mouth unto the 
Lord," was his answer then, "and I cannot go back." The 
satirist might sting and the sarcastic might exasperate con- 
tempt j misrepresentation might attribute his peculiarities to 



MEMOIR OF SIR HENRY HAVELOCK. 509 

eccentricity, rather than to principle — to chagrin, rather thap 
to deliberation — to obstinacy, rather than to conscientiousness 
—to a deeper form of worldly policy, rather tlian to spirituality 
of mind; timidity might forebode unpleasant consequences from 
the misrepresentations, and expediency might gravely recom- 
mend him to be somewhat careful about the main chance ; but 
it was in vain. The opposition, in the different forms of it, 
availed nothing against the call of duty from the Lord. He 
was not ambitious of singularity, but he was bent upon obedi- 
ence. He was perfectly aware that he might be mistaken, but 
he exercised himself to have always a conscience void of off'ense 
toward God and toward men. 

What has been done may be done again. Go, saith Have- 
lock, as you are contemplating his inflexible adherence to his 
convictions — go and do likewise. Tell the employer who bids 
you to falsify and defraud, that you must refuse his bidding. 
Tell the counsellor who misquotes the apostolic text, about 
being all things to all men, that you -must have something better 
than misquotation. Tell the men of this time-serving, money- 
grasping, self-seeking, luxurious generation, that, politic or 
impolitic, competency or no competency, through good report 
or evil report, you, the individual man, mean fearlessly to do 
the right and straightforward thing. Tell yourself, when by 
unbelief you get entangled, and embarrassed, and disheartened, 
that light is sown for the righteous and gladness for the upright 
in heart ; and then, hoping against hope, bravely hold on your 
way. Through God's grace I outbraved and outlived the oppo- 
sition which threatened and impeded me ; so, if you try, so can 
you. 

HaVELOCK SPEAKS, AND SAYS THAT WHATEVER A MAN'S 
PROFESSIONAL CALLING, HE OUGHT TO AIM EVANGELICALLY AT 
1)0ING GOOD. 

Most sincerely did he esteem all faithful ministers of Christ. 
Upon the services which they conducted was be a constant 
attendant, whenever he had the opportunity. For a stated and 
settled administration, both of the word and ordinances of the 
Gospel, he evinced the highest possible respect. In no degree 
48* 



510 MEMOIR OF SIR HENRY HAVELOCK. 

would he heedlessly infringe upon what he always held to be an 
institution of the Head of the Church, At the same time, 
when those around him were perishing for lack of knowledge, 
and there were none ready to interfere to prevent the consum- 
mation of the calamity, he felt constrained to interfere himself. 
The duty of doing good and communicating vras remembered. 
The responsibility of striving together for the faith of the 
Gospel was realized. The injunction to love our neighbor as 
ourselves, was apprehended. The fact that, in the apostolic 
times, men who were not specially ordained went everywhere 
preaching the Word, came up to his recollection ; and, as the 
result, he felt that he must preach. He could expound to the 
inquiring the meaning of Christ's gracious invitations, and he 
could enforce upon the thoughtless the lessons of Christ^s solemn 
admonition. He began the effort and he continued it to the 
last; often, if notr^iu every case, most diligently preparing, in 
order by the manifestation of the truth, to commend himself to 
every man's conscience in the sight of God. 

What has been done may be done again. Go, saith Have- 
lock, as you are contemplating his evangelic services at the 
Shivey-dagoon and Jellalabad, — go, and do likewise. Nevei 
be ashamed of Christ. If you believe that your servants, your 
neighbors, your companions, are, whilst unconverted, dead in 
trespasses and sins, take care to tell them of their danger. If 
you are well assured that not one of them need to remain dead 
in trespasses and sins another hour, the Holy Spirit being most 
willing to make them alive unto God, render your assurance 
the ground of action, without delay or hesitation, and beseech 
them to invoke the new heart, through the intercession of the 
Son of God. Break with the selfishness that has been with- 
holding you. Renounce the indolence that has been hindering 
you. Correct the mistake that has been misleading you. 
Through God's grace I was enabled to exhort, and to warn, 
and to encourage, even so that many were converted from Ihe 
error of their ways ; so, if you try, so will you be enabled also. 

HaVELOCK SPEAKS, AND HE SAYS THAT, WHATEVER A MAN^S 
ECCLESIASTICAL OR THEOLOGICAL PREFERENCES, HE OUGHT TO 



MEMOIR OF SIR HENRY IIAVELOCK. 511 

SHOW BROTHERLY REGARD FOR ALL WHO LOVE OUR LORD JeSU8 

Christ in sincerity. 

No doubt was there, within his circle, of the preferences 
which he cherished for one of the various bodies of which 
Christ's Church is now composed. His correspondence and liis 
conversations, and his conduct generally, made his denomina- 
tional preferences plairi. It was not his habit to make light of 
any portion of his Lord's discovered will. Latitudinarianisra, 
in every aspect of it, was held in utter disrepute. 

But in equal disrepute did he hold every aspect of sectarian- 
ism. Who might rely upon his co-operation in their aggressions 
upon the world's misery and wickedness ? Every Christian 
body under heaven. Who might send for him in any seasons 
of their sorrow, or assure themselves, if he was within their 
reach, of his readiness to weep with them as they wept ? Every 
Christian family throughout the world. Who might trust 
themselves implicitly to his generosity, certain that if they were 
misrepresented he would fraternally undertake their defence ? 
Every Christian community, however designated, whether so 
illustrious as to be envied, or so insignificant to be despised. 
Who might reckon that, in the celebration of the Lord's 
Supper, he, if possible, would be present, gratefully acknowl- 
edging the right of every believer in Christ to show forth his 
death in that service until He comes again ? Every section 
of the entire Christian Church. Then did he make no reserva- 
tion of his evangelical friendships and fellowships at all — not 
even in the commemoration of the death of his Redeemer at 
the sacramental table ? He made no reservation. Enough for 
him that a man was a servant of the Lord Christ. 

What has been done may be done again. Go, saith Havelock, 
as you are contemplating his large-hearted Christian charity, go 
and do likewise. Give way to the warmer impulses of your 
regenerated nature. Remember the Master's memorable re- 
proof to the disciples who boasted that they had forbidden a 
man, because he followed not with them. Read the apostolic 
injunction to receive one another, as Christ also hath received 
Qs to the glory of God : — " Whereunto you have already 



512 MEMOIROFSIR HENRY HAVELOCK. 

attained, walk by the same rule,. mind the same thing." Speak 
the truth, as you have been assisted to apprehend it, but always 
speak the truth in love. Through God's grace I was enabled 
to be valiant for the truth upon the earth, whilst I kept the 
unity of the spirit in the bond of peace. So, if you try, will 
you Ije enabled also. 

Being dead 1 Yes, a nation mourns his loss; and, judging 
from such indications as the low^ering of their colors halfmast- 
high by one fleet after another as his death was heard of in the 
United States, other nations, we gather, sympathize with our 
sense of 'loss. The country will have him honored. India 
demands the celebration of his deeds. The world must know 
that we hold him in renown. 

Be it so. But one thing is incumbent first of all : Let every 
reader of this sketch be personally a follower of him, as he fol- 
lowed Christ. Let him go and imitate his example, and 
whether he be the statesman, or the magistrate, or the lawyer, 
or the physician, or the soldier, or the merchant, or the yeoman, 
or the artizan, or the shopkeeper, or the assistant, or the 
domestic servant, bring out in the habitudes of a religious life 
henceforward the indelible eulogium, 

"SACRED TO THE MEMORY OF HENRY HAVELOCK." 

That will be legible when the sculptured inscription will be 
illegible. That will tell when the granite and the marble are 
unavailing. That will be an honor done to him of which Christ 
will take grateful cognizance. That will be an association with 
his name which shall be consummated gloriously when in his 
company we ascribe all might, majesty, and dominion to Him 
that sitteth upon the throne, and unto the Lamb for ever and 
ever. 

THE END. 



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